The factors affecting the international judgement of the Forint and Zloty in the light of the financial crisis of year 2008

The financial crisis of 2007-2009 has shaken both money and capital markets. Its consequences have not even left European markets untouched and divided spirits in the financial world. In some countries efforts by the monetary policy to protect the national currency throughout the crisis seemed to be ineffective. In the present paper we are investigating the effect of the most important macroeconomic and economic policy factors on the exchange rate of the forint and zloty in the last decade. For an analysis of exchange rates we are relying on some preceding research results based on equilibrium exchange rate theories.

The impact of the Miami Cuban exile's political culture on the 1996 fiscal crisis of the city of Miami

The purpose of this study was to determine if the political culture of the Miami Cuban exile community was a significant factor in creating the environment that led to the 1996 fiscal crisis of the City of Miami. The study performed an ethnographic case study that utilized a triangulation strategy which included both qualitative and quantitative methods. Focus groups were conducted to ascertain qualitative and quantitative data as to differences among ethnic and generational groups regarding notions of governance, public administration practices, and overall political values and core beliefs. Quantitative data was obtained through a five year and seven month review of newspaper articles from two periodicals based in Miami-Dade County. A review was also conducted of secondary data in audit and management reports, blue ribbon commission studies, Certified Public Manager (CPM) enrollment, and legal case decisions to examine the administrative practices of the City of Miami leading up to and subsequent to its fiscal crisis. The study found that a political subculture of caudillismo was present in Cuban exile core areas of Miami that appears to have had an influence on the administrative practices and notions of governance that led to the fiscal crisis. The author concludes that an imported foreign political culture has imposed itself as a subculture in core areas of the exile community and that the operationalization of this subculture has manifested itself in non-mainstream notions of governance and public administration practices. ^

The (ab)use of politics and eroticism in the culture of the Spanish Transition to democracy (1975–1982)

This dissertation analyzes the (ab)use of politics and eroticism within the framework of the Transition to democracy in Spain, its social and cultural impact—on literature, film, music, and popular media—, and its consequences. After a period of nearly four decades, when the country was subjected to a totalitarian regime, Spanish society underwent a process of democratic restoration. As a result, the two topics considered taboo during almost forty years of repression—i.e., politics and sexuality/eroticism—, gushed out fiercely. Every aspect of culture was influenced by and intrinsically linked to them. However, while we have been offered a more or less global approach to the Transition—the Transition as a whole—, and some studies have focused on diverse areas, no research to date has covered in depth the significance of those issues during that historical moment. Considering the facts stated above, it was imperative to conduct a more detailed analysis of the influence of both eroticism and politics on the cultural production of the Transition from different perspectives. Although the academic intelligentsia has often rejected them as expressions of mass culture, we must consider Pierre Bourdieu’s theories—in line with the tradition of classical sociology, that includes science, law, and religion, together with artistic activities—, Michel Foucault’s ideas on sexuality, and New Historicism, examining texts and their contexts. This work concludes that the (ab)use of both subjects during the Spanish Transition was a reaction to a repressive condition. It led to extremes, to societal transgression and, in most cases, to the objectification of women because of the impositions of a patriarchal society. It was, however, part of a learning and, in a sense, cathartic process that led, eventually, to the reestablishment of the status quo, to a more equitable and multicultural society where men, women, and any political or sexual tendencies are respected—at least, in theory.

Rethinking Professional Practice: The Logic of Competition and the Crisis of Identity in Housing Practice

The relationship between professionalism, education and housing practice has become increasingly strained following the introduction of austerity measures and welfare reforms across a range of countries. Focusing on the development of UK housing practice, this article considers how notions of professionalism are being reshaped within the context of welfare retrenchment and how emerging tensions have both affected the identity of housing professionals and impacted on the delivery of training and education programmes. The article analyses the changing knowledges and skills valued in contemporary housing practice and considers how the sector has responded to the challenges of austerity. The central argument is that a dominant logic of competition has culminated in a crisis of identity for the sector. Although the focus of the article is on UK housing practice, the processes identified have a wider relevance for the analysis of housing and welfare delivery in developed economies.

Crisis of work as a social integration factor

This article analyzes the process of deterioration of the work as a source of social rights and as a social integration element. The context of this process is the passage of a wage-labour society with stable employment to other where the labour relations are deregulated. This aim was tackled by means of quantitative and qualitative techniques. Secondary sources of statistical information were used together with interviews to experts of the institutional sphere. The results of this research show the emergence of a new exclusive model of social cohesion based on intensification and generalization of social inequalities and job insecurity. In this new model of social cohesion, it is noted that the integration strategies of people have less and less support from Government and people are neglected. This process appears in the four spheres that classify the social exclusion risks factors: the structural, the institutional, the relational and the individual.

Sensory work of diagnosis : a crisis of legitimacy

Alexander Scriabin: the definition of a new sound space in the crisis of tonality

This dissertation describes the new compositional system introduced by Scriabin in 1909– 1910, focusing on Feuillet d’Album op. 58, Poème op. 59, nº1, Prélude op. 59, nº2 and Promethée op. 60. Based upon exhaustive pitch and formal analysis the present study (a) claims the inexistence of non-functional pitches in all analysed works, (b) shows that transpositional procedures have structural consequences on the “basic chord”, and (c) for the first time advances an explanation on the intrinsic relation between the sonata form and the slow Luce line in Promethée op. 60; RESUMO: Sob o título de “Alexander Scriabin: a definição dum novo espaço sonoro na crise da Tonalidade”, a presente tese descreve o novo sistema compositivo introduzido por Scriabin em 1909– 1910, tomando como ponto de partida o estudo de Feuillet d’Album op. 58, Poème op. 59, nº1, Prélude op. 59, nº2 e Promethée op. 60. Baseando-se numa análise exaustiva das alturas e da forma, este estudo (a) conclui pela inexistência de alturas não funcionais em qualquer das obras analisadas, (b) mostra que os procedimentos transpositivos têm consequências estruturais no “acorde básico”, e (c) pela primeira vez explica a estrutura formal de Promethée op. 60 a partir da relação intrínseca entre a sua forma sonata e a linha lenta de Luce.

A política como incômodo

This article holds that the dominant scene of the “crisis of politics” in modern societies reflects a complex process of reconfiguration of social life and way of living. Through critical dialogue with some representatives of political sociology of radicalized modernity, it suggests that current failure of politics is the failure of one way of doing and thinking about politics, direct heir of “historical capitalism”. It is not the failure of politics as such, but of a mode of politics, political system, political practice. It must be associated with a sort of fatigue of the material which composed modern politics, which has always been based on strong national and constitutional states, on mass parties and active parliaments, as well as on the efficient functioning of representative democracies.

Kryzys demokracji liberalnej - wybrane problemy rządzenia, legitymizacji i reprezentacji

Główna problematyka zawarta w tekście dotyczy: (1) znaczenia i zakresu kryzysu w gospodarce i polityce, (2) przyjęcia przez państwo i społeczeństwo logiki racjonalności ekonomicznej jako paradygmatu postępowania, (3) przewartościowania pojęcia polityki, co wiąże się m.in. z przyjęciem przez rządzących roli zarządców wybranych sfer państwa oraz z posługiwaniem się przez nich logiką „mieszanej racjonalności” („logiką władzy” i „logiką racjonalności ekonomicznej”), (4) wyzwań związanych z dystrybucją dóbr, (5) reprezentacji i legitymizacji w demokracji liberalnej. Gospodarka kapitalistyczna wpływa na wszystkie sfery życia społecznego, co zmusza do przedstawienia jej „modus operandi”. Charakterystyczne cechy oddziaływania to: (1) racjonalność formalna, (2) dogmat efektywności i ilościowej mierzalności, (3) reprodukcja ideologii mówiącej o wolnej woli jednostki, niezależnie od kontekstu społecznego, (4) wymuszanie odpowiedniej dla siebie reprodukcji siły roboczej, (5) kolonizacja kolejnych sfer aktywności społecznej (np. edukacji i szkolnictwa wyższego), (6) wpływ na wykluczenie grup społecznych ze względu na poziom zabezpieczenia materialnego. Wszystko to sprowadzić można do pojęcia logiki racjonalności ekonomicznej. Rządzący posługują się „mieszaną strategią”, która oparta jest na dwóch logikach postępowania – (1) logice władzy, (2) logice racjonalności ekonomicznej. Logika władzy to nic innego jak dążenie do zdobycia i utrzymania władzy, gdzie władza sama w sobie staje się celem, natomiast struktury państwa stanowią przestrzeń, którą należy przejąć lub opanować. Rządzący aby ukryć swoją bezideowość i konflikty w walce o przejęcie struktur państwa uprawiają politykę „na zewnątrz”, która przyjmuje formę „festiwalu” agonicznego dyskursu. Taka polityka możliwa jest dzięki rozdawnictwu podczas redystrybucji dóbr (niezgodnie z racjonalnością ekonomiczną) lub/i dzięki instrumentalnemu traktowaniu dystrybucji uznania. W związku z niemożnością utrzymania wysokiego poziomu rozdawnictwa, szczególnie w sytuacji kryzysu gospodarczego, rządzący chętnie posługują się logiką racjonalności ekonomicznej. Rozwiązania oparte na racjonalności ekonomicznej, mimo ich negatywnego odbioru przez społeczeństwo, wprowadzane są przy zastosowaniu argumentacji zagrożenia bezpieczeństwa (gospodarczego, socjalnego, narodowego itd.). Tym samym państwo wycofuje się z rządzenia na rzecz zarządzania niektórymi sferami państwa. Nie można tego nazwać inaczej jak „ucieczką” od odpowiedzialności, co jest szczególnie zauważalne w sytuacjach destabilizacji gospodarczej. W takich sytuacjach mamy do czynienia z „outsourcingiem zadań” państwa, co przyjmować może różne formy – (1) przenoszenie funkcji na inne instytucje przy zachowaniu kompetencji kontrolnych lub (2) przenoszenie obowiązków na inne własne instytucje, które wcześniej pełniły inną rolę. Wszystko to można nazwać rekonfiguracją funkcji państwa w związku z dominacją gospodarki kapitalistycznej i oddziaływaniem logiki racjonalności ekonomicznej. W tekście podjęto również problem dystrybucji dóbr i uznania, jednakże jedynie w aspekcie jej instrumentalizacji przez rządzących. Można wysunąć tezę, że liberalne koncepcje wolności jednostki oraz priorytet dla własności prowadzą do łatwiejszego ideologicznego uzasadnienia stosowania mieszanych strategii i racjonalności. W tekście przedstawiono też tezę o instrumentalizacji dystrybucji dóbr, tzn. instrumentalnego wykorzystywania dowartościowania różnych mniejszości w ramach systemu politycznego. Należy też stwierdzić, że dominacja logiki wolnego rynku prowadzi do deprecjacji redystrybucji dóbr w stosunku do gloryfikacji problematyki uznania. Tekst jest jedynie zarysowaniem problematyki wyczerpywania się formuły demokracji liberalnej, co przedstawiono na wybranych zagadnieniach. Podjęty problem demokracji liberalnej nie skupia się na próbie odtworzenia modelu tego rodzaju demokracji, raczej ważniejsze było stwierdzenie przejmowania w działaniu czegoś, co można określić mianem logiki racjonalności ekonomicznej. Wartą dalszego analizowania jest sama logika „mieszanej racjonalności”, którą sprowadzono do przenikania się „logiki władzy” i „logiki racjonalności ekonomicznej”.

How Islamic is al-Qaeda? The politics of Pan-Islam and the challenge of modernisation

This article investigates the contested ideology of al-Qaeda through an analysis of Osama bin Ladin’s writings and public statements issued between 1994 and 2011, set in relation to the development of Islamic thought and changing socio-political realities in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Challenging popular conceptions of Wahhabism and the “Salafi jihad”, it reveals an idealistic, Pan-Islamic sentiment at the core of his messages that is not based on the main schools of Islamic theology, but is the result of a crisis of meaning of Islam in the modern world. Both before and after the death of al-Qaeda’s iconic leader, the continuing process of religious, political and intellectual fragmentation of the Muslim world has led to bin Ladin’s vision for unity being replaced by local factions and individuals pursuing their own agendas in the name of al-Qaeda and Islam.

The politics of the new Germany

The Politics of the New Germany continues to provide the most comprehensive, authoritative and up-to-date textbook on contemporary German Politics. The text takes a new approach to understanding politics in the post-unification Federal Republic. Assuming only elementary knowledge, it focuses on a series of the most important debates and issues in Germany today with the aim of helping students understand both the workings of the country's key institutions and some of the most important policy challenges facing German politicians. For this second edition, the content has been comprehensively updated throughout, augmented by additional factboxes and data, and features new material on: •Grand coalition •Lisbon treaty •Constitutional court •Financial crisis •Reform of social policy •Afghanistan. Written in a straightforward style by three experts, each of the chapters draws on a rich variety of real-world examples. In doing so, it highlights both the challenges and opportunities facing policy-makers in such areas as foreign affairs, economic policy, immigration, identity politics and institutional reform. The book also takes a bird’s-eye view of the big debates that have defined German politics over time, regardless of which political parties happened to be in power. It pinpoints three key themes that have characterised German politics over the last sixty years; reconciliation, consensus and transformation. The book is a comprehensive, yet highly accessible, overview of politics in 21st Century Germany and should be essential reading for students of politics and international relations, as well as of European and German studies.

Striving towards a politics of possibility

It stands to reason that critical theorists should be interested in the newest student movements working to challenge the neoliberalisation of higher education. Yet, while these politics are pushing the limits of critical knowledge about the cultivation of new modalities of radical political resistance, their theoretical significance remains marginalised within the academy. While the academic literature is replete with analysis of the long-anticipated ‘crisis of the university’, many professional responses to the most recent privatisation policies have been muted and ambivalent; or, at the very least, hopeful that the trends can be arrested or mitigated by sanctioned operations of professional critique and opposition. In this essay, I suggest that some of the recent work of student activists demonstrates both the contingency of this position and the possibility of cultivating new political subjectivities and critical-experimental modalities of resistance, within and beyond the university.