692 resultados para Weberian heroic liberalism
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Sobre la Girona Constitucional del trienni 1820-1823, en base la documentació existent a l'Arxiu Municipal i a l'Arxiu Diocesà
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Anàlisi dels deferents discursos de moderats, progressistes i republicans i els usos dels mots “poble” i “nació” durant els anys 1837-1843. L’autor considera que aquesta perspectiva és important per entendre el període, tot i que els recents debats sobre els orígens del nacionalisme a Espanya ho han deixat en un lloc secundari
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Estudi realitzat a partir d’una estada a l’Institut Desenvolupat a School of Comparative American Studies adscrit a la University of Warwick, Regne Unit, entre 2011 i 2012. Aquest projecte analitza en primer lloc la mobilització popular del primer liberalisme i la formació de les primeres organitzacions polítiques liberals que es constituïren a partir de les societats secretes i es propagaren a través dels principals centres de sociabilitat liberal: les societats patriòtiques. En segon lloc mitjançant l’estudi de la mobilitat dels liberals entre l’Espanya metropolitana i el virregnat de Nueva Espanya demostra com es dibuixà un nou model polític basat en el federalisme. El tercer aspecte d’anàlisi és com els exiliats catalans a Anglaterra reberen el suport de la Foreign Bible Society perquè havia mantingut contactes des dels primers anys vint amb l’alt clergat espanyol. El darrer aspecte de la recerca abasta l’estudi de l’espai urbà en relació amb les pràctiques polítiques dels ciutadans a partir de l’anàlisi de la formació i ampliació de les places de la ciutat de Barcelona durant la primera meitat del segle XIX.
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The academic debate about the secession of a territory which is part of a liberal democracy state displays an initial contrast. On the one hand, practical secessionist movements usually legitimize their position using nationalist arguments linked to the principle of national self- determination. On the other hand, we find in academia few defenders of a normative principle of national self-determination. Philosophers, political scientists and jurists usually defend the status quo. And even when they do not defend it, most of them tend to leave the question of that question and secession unresolved or confused. Regarding this issue, liberal-democratic theories show a tendency to be “conservative” in relation to the political borders, regardless the historical and empirical processes of creation of current States. Probably, this feature is not far away to the fact that, since its beginning, political liberalism has not been a theory of the nation, but a theory of the state.
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This article develops two hypotheses about economically-relevant values of Christianbelievers, according to which Protestants should work more and more effectively, as in the work ethic argument of Max Weber, or display a stronger social ethic that would lead themto monitor each other s conduct, support political and legal institutions and hold morehomogeneous values. Tests using current survey data confirm substantial partial correlations andpossible different effects in mutual social control, institutional performance and homogeneityof values but no difference in work ethics. Protestantism therefore seems conducive to capitalisteconomic development, not by the direct psychological route of the Weberian work ethic butrather by promoting an alternative social ethic that facilitates impersonal trade.
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This paper aims to analyse the effects of trade policies in the pattern of regional inequalities within a country. Inspired firstly, by the debate concerning the role of protectionist policies in the settlement of a pattern of striking regional inequalities in the Spanish industrialisation process and secondly, by current evidence of an increase in these inequalities following the entry of Spain in the EU (1986), we set a model that shows that trade liberalisation increases regional inequalities.
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This paper aims to analyse the effects of trade policies in the pattern of regional inequalities within a country. Inspired firstly, by the debate concerning the role of protectionist policies in the settlement of a pattern of striking regional inequalities in the Spanish industrialisation process and secondly, by current evidence of an increase in these inequalities following the entry of Spain in the EU (1986), we set a model that shows that trade liberalisation increases regional inequalities.
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No hay caracterización del republicanismo que no mencione la virtud cívica. Sin embargo, no siempre es clara la ubicación de la virtud en el entramado de la filosofía política republicana. Tomaré como punto de partida la reflexión de Rawls. Su temor es que la defensa de lo que la democracia necesita, la virtud cívica, ponga en peligro la libertad. Es lo que llamaré el «problema (de Rawls) con la virtud». Un problema que, a su parecer, compromete seriamente al republicanismo. Por mi parte, intentaré mostrar que, en realidad, se trata de un problema del liberalismo que apunta directamente a una bien conocida tensión entre los derechos y la democracia, cuya única «solución liberal» pasa por atrincherar los derechos «frente a la democracia», excluyendo el compromiso ciudadano. En la segunda parte mostraré que el problema es real, pero que no afecta a todos los republicanismos y argumentaré que «el problema de Rawls» afecta, fundamentalmente, a aquel republicanismo que hace de la «realización ciudadana» su objetivo, que busca, por así decir, maximizar la virtud. No sucede lo mismo con aquel otro que otorga a la virtud un carácter instrumental. En la parte final precisaré esa idea de republicanismo que otorga tanto a la virtud como a la democracia un papel instrumental en lo que realmente importa: la libertad.
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Este artículo hace referencia al cambio ocumdo en la hermenéutica de la filosofía política lockeana en los últimos treinta años y al modo en que la introducción y el estudio del llamado lenguaje del lenguaje del republicanismo clásico ha supuesto un giro importante en la historia de las relaciones entre John Locke y el liberalismo. Se presenta, entonces, como una interpretación de las interpretaciones. Sigue el nacimiento y desarrollo de la llamada interpretación tradicional, que culmina en el individualismo posesivo de C. B. Macpherson, y pasa revista después a la obra de sus críticos, relacionando tres temas: El Segundo Tratado, la tradición republicana y la ilustración británica. Como se podría esperar, se acaba con una invitación a la lectura de los textos originales, lo únicoque todas las interpretaciones tienen en común.
Els antecedents de la crisi de l'estat liberal a Espanya i a Itàlia: una visió comparada (1875-1895)
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The author proposes a comparative study in the frame of a macroarea formed by the south European countries. He points out the characteristics and difficulties of the liberal state establishment in the Mediterranean countries. At the same time he underlines the new importance of the intellectuals roll as one of the main consequences of that crisis.
Els antecedents de la crisi de l'estat liberal a Espanya i a Itàlia: una visió comparada (1875-1895)
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The author proposes a comparative study in the frame of a macroarea formed by the south European countries. He points out the characteristics and difficulties of the liberal state establishment in the Mediterranean countries. At the same time he underlines the new importance of the intellectuals roll as one of the main consequences of that crisis.
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(Résumé de l'ouvrage) The idea that religion has to succeed in a «market», selling «salvation goods», has proved to be extremely attractive to scholars in sociology and the study of religion. Max Weber used the term «salvation good» to compare different religious traditions. Pierre Bourdieu employed the term in order to analyze «religious economy». And recently, an American group of researchers advocating «rational choice of religion» put the theme at the forefront of current debates. This book - the fruit of an International Congress in Lausanne in April 2005 - brings together leading specialists in the fields of sociology and the study of religion who discuss the terms «salvation goods» (or religious goods) and «religious market». The authors test the applicability of these concepts by using specific examples and they either deliberately advocate or criticize Weberian, Bourdieusian or rational-choice perspectives.
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For decades intravitreal chemotherapy (IViC) remained virtually banished from the therapeutic armamentarium against retinoblastoma, except as a heroic attempt of salvage before enucleation in only eyes with refractory vitreous seeding. Very recently, we have initiated a reappraisal of this route of administration by (1) profiling eligibility criteria, (2) describing a safety-enhanced injection procedure, (3) adjusting the tumoricidal dose of melphalan, and (4) reporting an unprecedented efficacy in terms of tumor control of vitreous seeding. Since then, intravitreal chemotherapy is being progressively implemented worldwide with great success, but still awaits formal validation by the ongoing prospective phase II clinical trial. As far as preliminary results are concerned, IViC appears to achieve complete vitreous response in 100% of the 35 newly recruited patients irrespective of the previous treatment regimen, including external beam radiotherapy and/or intra-arterial melphalan. In other words, vitreous seeding, still considered as the major cause of primary and secondary enucleation, can now be controlled by IViC. However, sterilization of vitreous seeding does not necessarily translate into eye survival, unless the retinal source of the seeds receives concomitant therapy. In conclusion, IViC, an unsophisticated and cost-effective treatment, is about to revolutionize the eye survival prognosis of vitreous disease in advanced retinoblastoma.