“I had a different way of governing”: The evangelical presidential style of Jimmy Carter and his mission for Middle East peace

President Jimmy Carter once said, "I had a different way of governing." In attempting to explain what he meant by this, Carter has been variously described as a political amateur, a trustee, a non-political politician, an "active-positive" president, and a forerunner of the 1990s' New Democrats. It is argued here, however, that mere secular descriptions and categories such as these do not adequately capture the essence of Carter's brand of politics and his understanding of the presidency. Rejecting Richard Neustadt's prescriptions for effective presidential leadership, Carter thought political bargaining and compromise were "dirty" and "sinful." He deemed the ways of Washington as "evil," and considered many, if not most, career politicians immoral. While he fully supported the institutional separation of church and state, politics for Carter was about "doing right," telling the truth, and making the United States and the world "a better demonstration of what Christ is." Like two earlier Democrats, William Jennings Bryan and Woodrow Wilson, Carter understood politics as an alternative form of Christian ministry and service. In this regard, Carter was a presidential exception. Carter's evangelical faith gave his politics meaning, skill, vision, and a framework for communication. Using Fred Greenstein's categories of presidential leadership, Carter's faith provided him with "emotional intelligence", too. However, Carter's evangelical style provoked many of his contemporaries, including many of his fellow Democrats. To his critics at home and abroad, Carter was often accused of being arrogant, stubborn, naive, and ultimately a political failure. But as evinced by his indispensable role in negotiating peace between Israel and Egypt, his leadership style also provided him some remarkable achievements. The research here is based on a thorough examination of President Carter's many writings, his public papers, interviews, and opinion pieces. Written accounts from former Carter administration officials and from Israeli and Egyptian participants at Camp David are also used. This project is largely descriptive, qualitative in approach, but quantitative data are used when appropriate and as supplements.

The effect of cognitive load on deception

The current study applied classic cognitive capacity models to examine the effect of cognitive load on deception. The study also examined whether the manipulation of cognitive load would result in the magnification of differences between liars and truth-tellers. In the first study, 87 participants engaged in videotaped interviews while being either deceptive or truthful about a target event. Some participants engaged in a concurrent secondary task while being interviewed. Performance on the secondary task was measured. As expected, truth tellers performed better on secondary task items than liars as evidenced by higher accuracy rates. These results confirm the long held assumption that being deceptive is more cognitively demanding than being truthful. In the second part of the study, the videotaped interviews of both liars and truth-tellers were shown to 69 observers. After watching the interviews, observers were asked to make a veracity judgment for each participant. Observers made more accurate veracity judgments when viewing participants who engaged in a concurrent secondary task than when viewing those who did not. Observers also indicated that participants who engaged in a concurrent secondary task appeared to think harder than participants who did not. This study provides evidence that engaging in deception is more cognitively demanding than telling the truth. As hypothesized, having participants engage in a concurrent secondary task led to the magnification of differences between liars and truth tellers. This magnification of differences led to more accurate veracity rates in a second group of observers. The implications for deception detection are discussed.

The Effect of Cognitive Load on Deception

The current study applied classic cognitive capacity models to examine the effect of cognitive load on deception. The study also examined whether the manipulation of cognitive load would result in the magnification of differences between liars and truth-tellers. In the first study, 87 participants engaged in videotaped interviews while being either deceptive or truthful about a target event. Some participants engaged in a concurrent secondary task while being interviewed. Performance on the secondary task was measured. As expected, truth tellers performed better on secondary task items than liars as evidenced by higher accuracy rates. These results confirm the long held assumption that being deceptive is more cognitively demanding than being truthful. In the second part of the study, the videotaped interviews of both liars and truth-tellers were shown to 69 observers. After watching the interviews, observers were asked to make a veracity judgment for each participant. Observers made more accurate veracity judgments when viewing participants who engaged in a concurrent secondary task than when viewing those who did not. Observers also indicated that participants who engaged in a concurrent secondary task appeared to think harder than participants who did not. This study provides evidence that engaging in deception is more cognitively demanding than telling the truth. As hypothesized, having participants engage in a concurrent secondary task led to the magnification of differences between liars and truth tellers. This magnification of differences led to more accurate veracity rates in a second group of observers. The implications for deception detection are discussed.

The Land of the Savior: Óscar Romero and the Reform of Agriculture

This study approaches Óscar Romero by attending to his intimate involvement in and concern for the problematic surrounding the reform of Salvadoran agriculture and the conflict over property and possession underlying it. In this study, I situate Romero in relation to the concentration of landholding and the production of landlessness in El Salvador over the course of the twentieth century, and I examine his participation in the longstanding societal and ecclesial debate about agrarian reform provoked by these realities. I try to show how close attention to agrarian reform and what was at stake in it can illumine not only the conflict that occasioned Romero’s martyrdom but the meaning of the martyrdom itself.

Understanding Romero’s involvement in the debate about agrarian reform requires sustained attention to how it takes its bearings from the line of thinking about property and possession for which Pope Leo XIII’s 1891 encyclical Rerum novarum stands as a new beginning. The enclyclical tradition developing out of Leo’s pontificate is commonly referred to as Catholic social doctrine or Catholic social teaching. Romero’s and the Church’s participation in the debate about agrarian reform in El Salvador is unintelligible apart from it.

What Romero and the encyclical tradition share, I argue, is an understanding of creation as a common gift, from which follows a distinctive construal of property and the demands of justice with respect to possessing it. On this view, property does not name, as it is often taken to mean, the enclosure of what is common for the exclusive use of its possessors—something to be held by them over and against others. Rather, property and everything related to its holding derive from the claim that creation is a gift given to human creatures in common. The acknowledgement of creation as a common gift gives rise to what I describe in this study as a politics of common use, of which agrarian reform is one expression.

In Romero’s El Salvador, those who took the truth of creation as common gift seriously—those who spoke out against or opposed the ubiquity of the concentration of land and who clamored for agrarian reform so that the landless and land-poor could have access to land to cultivate for subsistence—suffered greatly as a consequence. I argue that, among other things, their suffering shows how, under the conditions of sin and violence, those who work to ensure that others have access to what is theirs in justice often risk laying down their lives in charity. In other words, they witness to the way that God’s work to restore creation has a cruciform shape. Therefore, while the advocacy for agrarian reform begins with the understanding of creation as common gift, the testimony to this truth in word and in deed points to the telos of the gift and the common life in the crucified and risen Lord in which it participates

Reckoning With Apartheid: The Conundrum of Working Through the Past, An Introduction

From April 26-29, 1994, South Africa held its first universal, democratic elections. Witnessed by the world, South Africans of all races waited patiently in line to cast their ballots, signaling the official and symbolic birth of the “new” South Africa. The subsequent years, marked initially with euphoric hopes for racial healing enabled by institutional processes such as the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), have instead, most recently, inspired deep concern about epidemic levels of HIV/AIDS, violent crime, state corruption, and unbridled market reforms directed at everything from property to bodies to babies. Now, seemingly beleaguered state officials deploy the mantra “TINA” (There Is No Alternative [to neoliberal development]) to fend off criticism of growing income and wealth disparities. To coincide, more or less, with the anniversary of 1994—less to commemorate than to signal something about the trajectory of the past twenty years—we are proposing an interdisciplinary, special theme section of Comparative Studies in South Asia, Africa, and the Middle East (CSSAAME) entitled “The Haunted Present: Reckoning After Apartheid” (tentative title). The special theme section is framed around questions of reckoning in the double sense of both a moral and practical accounting for historical injury alongside the challenges and failures of the no-longer “new” South Africa. Against accounts depicting the liberation era as non-violent and peaceable, more nuanced analysis we argue suggests not only that South Africa’s “revolution” was marked by both collective and individual violence—on the part of the state and the liberation movements—but that reckoning with the present demands of scholars, the media, and cultural commentators that they begin to grapple more fully with the dimensions and different figurations of South Africa’s violent colonial history. Indeed, violence and reckoning appear as two central forces in contemporary South African political, economic, and social life. In response, we are driven to pose the following questions: In the post-apartheid period, what forms of (individual, structural) violence have come to bear on South African life? How does this violence reckon with apartheid and its legacies? Does it in fact reckon with the past? How can we or should we think about violence as a response to the (failed?) reckoning of state initiatives like the TRC? What has enabled or enables aesthetic forms—literature, photography, plastic arts, and other modes of expressive culture—to respond to the difficulties of South Africa’s ongoing transition? What, in fact, would a practice or ethic of reckoning defined in the following way look like? ˈrekəniNG/ noun: • the action or process of calculating or estimating something: last year was not, by any reckoning, a particularly good one; the system of time reckoning in Babylon • a person’s view, opinion, or judgment: by ancient reckoning, bacteria are plants • archaic, a bill or account, or its settlement • the avenging or punishing of past mistakes or misdeeds: the fear of being brought to reckoning there will be a terrible reckoning (Oxford English Dictionary) Looking back on the period, just before 1994, is sobering indeed. At the time, many saw in the energies and courage of those fighting for liberation the possibilities of a post-racial, post-conflict society. Yet as much as the new was ushered in, old apartheid forms lingered. Recalling Nadine Gordimer’s invocation of Gramsci’s “morbid symptoms” more and more it seems “the old is dying and the new cannot be born” (Gramsci cited in Gordimer 1982). And even as the new began to emerge other forces—both internal and external to South Africa—redefined the conditions for transformation. The so-called “new” South Africa, as Jennifer Wenzel has argued, was really more than anything “the changing face of old oppressions” (Wenzel 2009:159). The implications for our special theme section of CSSAAME are many. We begin by exploring the gender, race, and class dimensions of contemporary South African life by way of its literatures, histories, and politics, its reversion to custom, the claims of ancestors on the living, in brief, the various cultural expressive modes in which contemporary South Africa reckons with its past and in so doing accounts, day by day, for the ways in which the present can be lived, pragmatically. This moves us some distance from the exercise in “truth and reconciliation” of the earlier post-transition years to consider more fully the nature of post-conflict, the suturing of old enmities in the present, and the ways of resolving those lingering suspicions both ordinary and the stuff of the dark night of the soul (Nelson 2009:xv).

Reckoning With Apartheid: The Conundrum of Working Through the Past

From April 26-29, 1994, South Africa held its first universal, democratic elections. Witnessed by the world, South Africans of all races waited patiently in line to cast their ballots, signaling the official and symbolic birth of the “new” South Africa. The subsequent years, marked initially with euphoric hopes for racial healing enabled by institutional processes such as the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), have instead, most recently, inspired deep concern about epidemic levels of HIV/AIDS, violent crime, state corruption, and unbridled market reforms directed at everything from property to bodies to babies. Now, seemingly beleaguered state officials deploy the mantra “TINA” (There Is No Alternative [to neoliberal development]) to fend off criticism of growing income and wealth disparities. To coincide, more or less, with the anniversary of 1994—less to commemorate than to signal something about the trajectory of the past twenty years—we are proposing an interdisciplinary, special theme section of Comparative Studies in South Asia, Africa, and the Middle East (CSSAAME) entitled “The Haunted Present: Reckoning After Apartheid” (tentative title). The special theme section is framed around questions of reckoning in the double sense of both a moral and practical accounting for historical injury alongside the challenges and failures of the no-longer “new” South Africa. Against accounts depicting the liberation era as non-violent and peaceable, more nuanced analysis we argue suggests not only that South Africa’s “revolution” was marked by both collective and individual violence—on the part of the state and the liberation movements—but that reckoning with the present demands of scholars, the media, and cultural commentators that they begin to grapple more fully with the dimensions and different figurations of South Africa’s violent colonial history. Indeed, violence and reckoning appear as two central forces in contemporary South African political, economic, and social life. In response, we are driven to pose the following questions: In the post-apartheid period, what forms of (individual, structural) violence have come to bear on South African life? How does this violence reckon with apartheid and its legacies? Does it in fact reckon with the past? How can we or should we think about violence as a response to the (failed?) reckoning of state initiatives like the TRC? What has enabled or enables aesthetic forms—literature, photography, plastic arts, and other modes of expressive culture—to respond to the difficulties of South Africa’s ongoing transition? What, in fact, would a practice or ethic of reckoning defined in the following way look like? ˈrekəniNG/ noun: • the action or process of calculating or estimating something: last year was not, by any reckoning, a particularly good one; the system of time reckoning in Babylon • a person’s view, opinion, or judgment: by ancient reckoning, bacteria are plants • archaic, a bill or account, or its settlement • the avenging or punishing of past mistakes or misdeeds: the fear of being brought to reckoning there will be a terrible reckoning (Oxford English Dictionary) Looking back on the period, just before 1994, is sobering indeed. At the time, many saw in the energies and courage of those fighting for liberation the possibilities of a post-racial, post-conflict society. Yet as much as the new was ushered in, old apartheid forms lingered. Recalling Nadine Gordimer’s invocation of Gramsci’s “morbid symptoms” more and more it seems “the old is dying and the new cannot be born” (Gramsci cited in Gordimer 1982). And even as the new began to emerge other forces—both internal and external to South Africa—redefined the conditions for transformation. The so-called “new” South Africa, as Jennifer Wenzel has argued, was really more than anything “the changing face of old oppressions” (Wenzel 2009:159). The implications for our special theme section of CSSAAME are many. We begin by exploring the gender, race, and class dimensions of contemporary South African life by way of its literatures, histories, and politics, its reversion to custom, the claims of ancestors on the living, in brief, the various cultural expressive modes in which contemporary South Africa reckons with its past and in so doing accounts, day by day, for the ways in which the present can be lived, pragmatically. This moves us some distance from the exercise in “truth and reconciliation” of the earlier post-transition years to consider more fully the nature of post-conflict, the suturing of old enmities in the present, and the ways of resolving those lingering suspicions both ordinary and the stuff of the dark night of the soul (Nelson 2009:xv).

High Formalism: The aerial view and the colour field

Laura Kurgan’s Monochrome Landscapes (2004), first exhibited in the Whitney Museum of American Art in New York City, consists of four oblong Cibachrome prints derived from digital files sourced from the commercial Ikonos and QuickBird satellites. The prints are ostensibly flat, depthless fields of white, green, blue, and yellow, yet the captions provided explain that the sites represented are related to contested military, industrial, and cartographic practices. In Kurgan’s account of Monochrome Landscapes she explains that it is in dialogue with another work from the Whitney by abstract artist Ellsworth Kelly. This article pursues the relationship between formalist abstraction and satellite imaging in order to demonstrate how formalist strategies aimed at producing an immediate retinal response are bound up with contemporary uses of digital information and the truth claims such information can be made to substantiate.

Metaphysics of love in the religious philosophy of Pável Florensky

This article focuses on the analysis of the concept of love in the religious philosophy of Pavel Florensky, who shares the ontological approach to the consideration of love with other representatives of Russian religious philosophy (N. berdyaev and S. bulgakov). We pay more careful attention to the understanding of love-άγαπαν by Florensky. We have drawn the conclusion that, in the philosophy of P. Florensky, Love, closely connected with truth and beauty, is considered an ontological basis existence of personality. We develop the ideas of Pavel Florensky, and accordingly assume that it is possible to synthesise love-agape and love-eros around the idea of sacrificial love. Agapelogical and erotical ‘bezels’ of one jewel of love is aspects of united love, which is given by God. this gift of God, the gift of united love, is kept by humans through prayer and deeds of love.

Plato on Oblivion. About Memory and Forgetfullness in the Platonic Dialogues

The aim of this paper is to tackle the role of oblivion in the Plato’s dialogues. It takes as work texts the dialogues where the anamnesis doctrine is exposed, and from these writings, but also attending to several other ones, the connexions between oblivion and other Platonic issues, as, e. g., language, memory, experience or love are explored, in order to clarify their relations of mutual dependence. In this way, we attempt to find out in the Platonic oblivion a philosophical sense, which is not disdainful in comparison with the sense and the relevance that the readers of all times have granted to anamnesis; for anamnesis and oblivion are inseparable indeed.

Cultivating Subjectivities: The Class Politics of Convivial Labor in the Interstitial Spaces of Neoliberal Neglect

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-08

The Space Between

I approach my practice through the truth that art is inseparable from reality. Reducing art to a single idea is an unnatural limitation because the creative process and its manifestations result from many parallel ideas, instincts, emotions and reflections. In the following, I trace the central sources of the inspiration for work and attempt to bridge the experiential and intuitive processes that concurrently fuel my creative process.

Speech by Mr. Alban Sandi Bonilla, Dean, Faculty of Arts at the Inauguration of Professional Lecture "Managing Information in Specialized Areas in Costa Rican

Friends: Although we have not devoted special sessions to discuss the matter, the truth is that in some informal occasions we talked lightly about the relevance of the School of Library, Documentation and Information is at the Faculty of Arts. We have consistently defined our School Faculty as a humanist. The human reality in all its modes of symbolic production is the object of study that brings us together as an area of knowledge. A school is that, a major academic unit, which it brings together different disciplines deserve epistemological affinity for joint development. Cooperation, ease of interdisciplinary association are elements that justify the existence of the faculties. And our conversations, I insist, casual and light, have led us to establish two positions may seem superficially divergent, but are not. The Library mates look as techniques themselves, and feel that can be placed almost anywhere Faculty, and at first glance does not explain its presence in a humanities faculty. Let me turn away from this self-image.

Oscar Wilde como artesano: la mediación de la identidad a través de los objetos en "The picture of Dorian Gray" y "The importance of being Earnest"

Uno de los aspectos más documentados a la hora de estudiar las obras de Óscar Wilde en profundidad ha sido el concepto de máscara u ocultación. Este concepto fue tratado a su vez por el propio escritor en su ensayo titulado The Truth of Masks (1891), donde analiza, entre otras cosas, la puesta en escena y los objetos que aparecen a la hora de llevar a cabo la representación de las obras de teatro de Shakespeare. Por otra parte, no es necesario señalar que Wilde es harto reconocido por su gusto por la filosofía del arte y la estética, o mejor dicho, por su afinidad y apología al arte por el arte, así como también se le asocia con la figura del dandy decandente y esteta. Precisamente ambos aspectos, tanto el de la ocultación como el de la filosofía del arte y la estética, nos servirán como ineludible punto de partida para este estudio, que, mediante el análisis cultural de sus obras más representativas, completarán la recepción actual existente de Wilde. Se verá en este estudio que una faceta indispensable del escritor recae principalmente en la aportación que realiza el artesano, en estrecha comunión con el artista, tal y como él mismo defendió en numerosos de sus ensayos-conferencias, en los que propugnaba el individualismo mediante la realización del ser, en el plano artístico. Se ha llevado a cabo por tanto, un exhaustivo análisis para profundizar aún más en la conexión que existe entre estos conceptos, y ahondando por ende en la visión del artista artesano, que justificará ese nuevo perfil consumado del escritor, a través del análisis de los objetos en sus obras, escritos e, incluso, en su propia persona, entendida ésta como creación artística. No en vano, Wilde es el escritor que nos permite retomar el sentido etimológico de la palabra ‘persona’, para descubrir que, en su origen, ésta significaba ‘máscara’, y que consiguientemente, entronca directamente con la persona del escritor, y nos hace volver a plantearnos dónde empieza o acaba la máscara y dónde su propia persona artística...

Leonardo Ricci in the United States (1952-1972). A twenty-year American transfer as a turning experience in teaching and design.

The research solved the historiographic lacuna about Leonardo Ricci’s work in the United States focusing on the span 1952-1972 as a fundamental period for the architect's research, which moved from the project for the community space to macrostructures. The considered period is comprised between Ricci’s first travel to the United States and the date of his resignation from the University of Florida, one year before his resignation from the deanship of the faculty of architecture of Florence (1973). The research retraced philologically the stages of Ricci’s activity in the U.S.A. unveiling the premises and results of his American transfer, and to what extent it marked a turning period for his work as educator and designer and for the wider historiographic contest of the Sixties. The American transfer helped him grounding his belief in avoiding a priori morphological results in favor of what he called the “form-act” design method. Ricci’s research in the U.S.A. is described in his books Anonymous (XX century) and City of the Earth (unpublished). In them and in Ricci’s projects one common thread is traceable: the application of the “form-act” as the best tool to conceive urban design, a discipline established in the United States during Ricci’s first stay at M.I.T., in which he encountered the balance point between architecture and urban planning, between the architect’s sign and his being anonymous, between the collective and the individual dimension. With the notions of “anonymous architecture” and “form-act”, Urban Design and “open work” are the key words to understand Ricci’s work in the United States and in Italy. Urban design’s main goal to design the city as a collective work of art was the solution of that dychothomous research that enlivened Ricci’s work and one possible answer to that tension useful for him to seek the truth of architecture.

O direito à memória e o ensino da história do conflito armado colombiano em um ambiente museal

O direito à memória é o direito que tem a sociedade de conhecer, lembrar e procurar a verdade sobre seu próprio passado, sobretudo em situações de violência recente como é o conflito armado colombiano. O direito à memória pode ser garantido ou negado no campo da didatização da história. O ensino de história também acontece em espaços não escolarizados como os museus. O tema da pesquisa é: como os estudantes constroem explicações históricas sobre o conflito armado colombiano em um ambiente museal, e sua relação com o direito à memória. O trabalho de campo se desenvolve na Casa Museu Jorge Eliécer Gaitán (Bogotá - Colômbia), com estudantes das três últimas séries do sistema escolar colombiano. Partimos do pressuposto de que a Casa Museu Gaitán está vinculada não só a um passado doloroso, mas também a um presente conflituoso. As temporalidades superpostas deste espaço museal, são analisadas através das relações entre história acadêmica, história escolar e história cotidiana. Por isto, dialoga-se também com os conteúdos propostos para à área de Ciências Sociais e o livro didático. Garantir um direito à memória através do ensino de história, passa por combater as pretensões oficiais de impor uma memória única do passado, e oferecer ferramentas para que os estudantes possam construir explicações históricas a partir do raciocínio crítico. Isto é possível quando os estudantes confrontam as diferentes vozes que relatam o passado recente. No caso colombiano, garantir o direito à memória através do ensino de história da violência recente, é ainda mais complexo pela função que desenvolve o próprio Estado colombiano no meio do conflito armado.