'Lo sabía, lo sabía, a los pibes los mató la Policía' : Protestas en casos de violencia policial: familiares y militantes en el caso de Damián Lucero

El artículo que aquí presentamos constituye una reflexión en torno a las acciones colectivas de protesta llevadas adelante con motivo del asesinato de Damián Lucero a manos de efectivos de la Policía de la Provincia de Buenos Aires, en un barrio de la zona sur de la Ciudad de La Plata en el año 2007. El trabajo aborda las sucesivas acciones de protesta en reclamo de "justicia" que tuvieron lugar con posterioridad a la muerte de Damián, a los fines de identificar a los actores presentes y las diferentes significaciones que estos le otorgan a su presencia en el espacio público, a los horizontes de politización del reclamo y a las concepciones sobre el accionar policial que subyacen. Identificando la tensión presente entre "familiares" y "militantes de organizaciones de derechos humanos", este artículo se nutre de una doble vertiente analítica: las teorías de la acción colectiva (o movimientos sociales) y los estudios en torno las conformaciones institucionales de las policías en la Argentina democrática.

An Institutional Analysis of Environmental Pollution Disputes in Taiwan: Cases of 'Self-Relief'

During the late 1980s and early 1990s in Taiwan, people's protests against environmental pollution often took the form of "self-relief," meaning that they attempted to fight polluters using their own resources, without relying on legal or administrative procedures. Why did such an extreme form of disputes become so widespread? What institutional changes did these movements bring about? These questions are analyzed using the analytical framework of "law and economics." Our research shows that "self-relief" functioned to a certain extent as a means of realizing quick compensation for victims, and for reflecting the opinions of local people concerning development projects; in addition, it served to promote the formulation of law and administrative systems. However, as it was based on direct negotiations between the parties concerned, the outcome of each dispute only reflected the transient balance of forces, and the experience gained in negotiations was not accumulated as a social norm.

IT Offshoring and India: Some Implications

There has been a large spurt in the offshore outsourcing of Information Technology (IT) recently. India has been a major recipient of such work. There have been loud protests against the "loss" of jobs in the US as work was shifted to India. The large inflow of IT related work has also had major impact on the Indian economy. There are implications on the foreign policy level as well. While the economic implications are well known, we try to see a little of the foreign policy implications in this paper.

Political conditions for fair elections

Democracy is not necessarily consolidated simply by the introduction of formal democratic institutions. It is often observed in new democracies that democratic institutions are neglected and eroded in actual practice. Particularly, electoral fraud committed by a ruler is one of the main problems in this regard. This paper deals with two questions, (1) under what conditions does a ruler have an incentive to hold fair elections (or to rig elections), and (2) what makes a ruler prefer to establish an independent election governing institution? Assuming that a ruler prefers to maintain her power, basically she has an incentive to rig elections in order to be victorious in the political competition. A ruler, however, faces the risk of losing power if the opposition stages successful protests on a sufficiently large scale. If opponents are able to pose a credible threat to a ruler, she will have an incentive to hold fair elections. The problem is that information on electoral fraud is not shared by every player in the game. For the opposition, imperfect information deepens their coordination problems. Imperfect information, on the other hand, in some cases causes a problem for a ruler. If the opposition is sufficiently cohesive and have little tolerance of cheating, even unverified suspicions of fraud may trigger menacing protests. In such a case, a ruler has an incentive to establish an independent election commission to avoid unnecessary collisions by revealing the nature of the elections.

Gobernar la complejidad urbana desde la sostenibilidad. Evaluación del gobierno de la gestión visible utilizando indicadores de gobernanza (Venezuela)

Se evalúa con indicadores de gobernanza urbana la sostenibilidad de las formas de hacer ciudad hibrida compleja del gobierno de la gestión visible (GGV). Argumenta que el GGV hace ciudad para legitimarse por desempeño y fortalecer la gobernanza local, en un contexto de mutaciones múltiples y radicales que tienden a diluir y centralizar el poder local y fractalizar la ciudad, profundizando la segregación sociopolítica-territorial y la ingobernabilidad genética de la ciudad hibrida, poniendo en riesgo el Estado federal descentralizado, el derecho a la ciudad, al gobierno local y la gobernanza urbana y multinivel (hipótesis). La estrategia de evaluación de gobernanza innovadora (EEG+i) diseñada para evaluar la relación entre las formas de hacer ciudad hibrida (variables espaciales) y gobernanza (variable a-espacial) es transversal, multidimensional y se construye desde la complejidad, el análisis de escenarios, formulación de constructos, modelos e indicadores de gobernanza, entretejiendo tres campos de conocimiento, gobierno, ciudad y sostenibilidad, en cuatro fases. La Fase 1, contextualiza la gobernanza en la dramática del siglo XXI. La Fase 2, desarrolla la fundamentación teórico-práctica, nuevos conceptos y un abordaje analítico propio ‘genética territorial’, para analizar y comprehender la complejidad de la ciudad hibrida de países en desarrollo, tejiendo ontogenética territorial y el carácter autopoiético del gen informal. En la Fase 3, se caracterizan las formas de hacer ciudad desde la genética del territorio, se formulan modelos e indicadores de gobernanza con los que se evalúan, aplicando un delphi y cuestionarios, los genes tipológicos-formas de hacer ciudad y validan las conclusiones. En la Fase 4, se correlacionan los resultados de los instrumentos aplicados con la praxis urbana del GGV, durante cuatro periodos de gobierno (1996-2010). Concluyendo que, la estrategia de evaluación comprobó las hipótesis y demostró la correlación transversal y multinivel existente entre, las mutaciones en curso que contradicen el modelo de gobernanza constitucional, el paisaje de gobernanza latinoamericano y venezolano, la praxis de los regímenes híbridos ricos en recursos naturales, las perspectivas de desarrollo globales y se expresa sociopolíticamente en déficit de gobernanza, Estado de derecho y cohesión-capital social y, espaciolocalmente, en la ciudad hibrida dispersa y diluida (compleja) y en el gobierno del poder diluido centralizado. La confrontación de flujos de poder centrípetos y centrífugos en la ciudad profundiza la fragmentación socioespacial y política y el deterioro de la calidad de vida, incrementando las protestas ciudadanas e ingobernabilidad que obstaculiza la superación de la pobreza y gobernanza urbana y multinivel. La evaluación de la praxis urbana del GGV evidenció que la correlación entre gobernanza, la producción de genes formales y la ciudad por iniciativa privada tiende a ser positiva y entre gobernanza, genes y producción de ciudad informal negativa, por el carácter autopoiético-autogobernable del gen informal y de los nuevos gobiernos sublocales que dificulta gobernar en gobernanza. La praxis del GGV es contraria al modelo de gobernanza formulado y la disolución centralizada del gobierno local y de la ciudad hibrida-dispersa es socio-espacial y políticamente insostenible. Se proponen estrategias y tácticas de gobernanza multinivel para recuperar la cohesión social y de planificación de la gestión innovadora (EG [PG] +i) para orquestar, desde el Consejo Local de Gobernanza (CLG) y con la participación de los espacios y gobiernos sublocales, un proyecto de ciudad compartido y sostenible. ABSTRACT The sustainability of the forms of making the hybrid-complex city by the visible management government (VMG) is evaluated using urban governance indicators. Argues that the VMG builds city to legitimate itself by performance and to strengthen local governance in a context of multiple and radical mutations that tend to dilute and centralize local power and fractalize the city, deepening the socio-spatial and political segregation, the genetic ingovernability of the hybrid city and placing the decentralized federal State, the right to city, local government and urban governance at risk (hypothesis). The innovative governance evaluation strategy (GES+i) designed to assess the relationship between the forms of making the hybrid city (spatial variables) and governance (a-spatial variable) is transversal, multidimensional; is constructed from complexity, scenario analysis, the formulation of concepts, models and governance indicators, weaving three fields of knowledge, government, city and sustainability in four phases. Phase 1, contextualizes governance in the dramatic of the twenty-first century. Phase 2, develops the theoretical and practical foundations, new concepts and a proper analytical approach to comprehend the complexity of the hybrid city from developing countries, weaving territorial ontogenetic with the autopiethic character of the informal city gen. In Phase 3, the ways of making city are characterized from the genetics of territory; governance indicators and models are formulated to evaluate, using delphi and questionnaires, the ways of making city and validate the conclusions. In Phase 4, the results of the instruments applied are correlated with the urban praxis of the VMG during the four periods of government analyzed (1996-2010). Concluding that, the evaluation strategy proved the hypothesis and showed the transversal and multilevel correlation between, mutations that contradict the constitutional governance model, the governance landscape of Latinamerica and the country, the praxis of the hybrid regimes rich in natural resources, the perspectives of the glocal economy and expresses socio-politically the governance and rule of law and social capital-cohesion deficit and spatial-temporarily the hybrid disperse and diluted city (complex) and the diluted-centralized local government. The confrontation of flows of power centripetal and centrifugal in the city deepens the socio-spatial and political fragmentation and deterioration of the quality of life, increasing citizens' protests and ingovernability which hinders poverty eradication and, multilevel and urban governance. The evaluation of the VMG urban praxis showed the correlation between governance, the production of formal genes and city by private initiative tended to be positive and, between informal genes-city production and governance negative, due to its autopiethic-self governable character that hinders governance. The urban praxis of the VMG contradicts the formulated governance model and thecentralized dissolution of the local government and hybrid city are socio-spatial and politically unsustainable. Multiscale governance strategies are proposed to recreate social cohesion and a management planning innovative method (EG [PG] + i) to orchestrate, from the Local Governance Council (LGC) and with the participation of sublocal governments and spaces, a shared and sustainable city project.

Análisis y modelización de la dinámica emergente durante el proceso de difusión de información en las redes sociales de internet

Durante la actividad diaria, la sociedad actual interactúa constantemente por medio de dispositivos electrónicos y servicios de telecomunicaciones, tales como el teléfono, correo electrónico, transacciones bancarias o redes sociales de Internet. Sin saberlo, masivamente dejamos rastros de nuestra actividad en las bases de datos de empresas proveedoras de servicios. Estas nuevas fuentes de datos tienen las dimensiones necesarias para que se puedan observar patrones de comportamiento humano a grandes escalas. Como resultado, ha surgido una reciente explosión sin precedentes de estudios de sistemas sociales, dirigidos por el análisis de datos y procesos computacionales. En esta tesis desarrollamos métodos computacionales y matemáticos para analizar sistemas sociales por medio del estudio combinado de datos derivados de la actividad humana y la teoría de redes complejas. Nuestro objetivo es caracterizar y entender los sistemas emergentes de interacciones sociales en los nuevos espacios tecnológicos, tales como la red social Twitter y la telefonía móvil. Analizamos los sistemas por medio de la construcción de redes complejas y series temporales, estudiando su estructura, funcionamiento y evolución en el tiempo. También, investigamos la naturaleza de los patrones observados por medio de los mecanismos que rigen las interacciones entre individuos, así como medimos el impacto de eventos críticos en el comportamiento del sistema. Para ello, hemos propuesto modelos que explican las estructuras globales y la dinámica emergente con que fluye la información en el sistema. Para los estudios de la red social Twitter, hemos basado nuestros análisis en conversaciones puntuales, tales como protestas políticas, grandes acontecimientos o procesos electorales. A partir de los mensajes de las conversaciones, identificamos a los usuarios que participan y construimos redes de interacciones entre los mismos. Específicamente, construimos una red para representar quién recibe los mensajes de quién y otra red para representar quién propaga los mensajes de quién. En general, hemos encontrado que estas estructuras tienen propiedades complejas, tales como crecimiento explosivo y distribuciones de grado libres de escala. En base a la topología de estas redes, hemos indentificado tres tipos de usuarios que determinan el flujo de información según su actividad e influencia. Para medir la influencia de los usuarios en las conversaciones, hemos introducido una nueva medida llamada eficiencia de usuario. La eficiencia se define como el número de retransmisiones obtenidas por mensaje enviado, y mide los efectos que tienen los esfuerzos individuales sobre la reacción colectiva. Hemos observado que la distribución de esta propiedad es ubicua en varias conversaciones de Twitter, sin importar sus dimensiones ni contextos. Con lo cual, sugerimos que existe universalidad en la relación entre esfuerzos individuales y reacciones colectivas en Twitter. Para explicar los factores que determinan la emergencia de la distribución de eficiencia, hemos desarrollado un modelo computacional que simula la propagación de mensajes en la red social de Twitter, basado en el mecanismo de cascadas independientes. Este modelo nos permite medir el efecto que tienen sobre la distribución de eficiencia, tanto la topología de la red social subyacente, como la forma en que los usuarios envían mensajes. Los resultados indican que la emergencia de un grupo selecto de usuarios altamente eficientes depende de la heterogeneidad de la red subyacente y no del comportamiento individual. Por otro lado, hemos desarrollado técnicas para inferir el grado de polarización política en redes sociales. Proponemos una metodología para estimar opiniones en redes sociales y medir el grado de polarización en las opiniones obtenidas. Hemos diseñado un modelo donde estudiamos el efecto que tiene la opinión de un pequeño grupo de usuarios influyentes, llamado élite, sobre las opiniones de la mayoría de usuarios. El modelo da como resultado una distribución de opiniones sobre la cual medimos el grado de polarización. Aplicamos nuestra metodología para medir la polarización en redes de difusión de mensajes, durante una conversación en Twitter de una sociedad políticamente polarizada. Los resultados obtenidos presentan una alta correspondencia con los datos offline. Con este estudio, hemos demostrado que la metodología propuesta es capaz de determinar diferentes grados de polarización dependiendo de la estructura de la red. Finalmente, hemos estudiado el comportamiento humano a partir de datos de telefonía móvil. Por una parte, hemos caracterizado el impacto que tienen desastres naturales, como innundaciones, sobre el comportamiento colectivo. Encontramos que los patrones de comunicación se alteran de forma abrupta en las áreas afectadas por la catástofre. Con lo cual, demostramos que se podría medir el impacto en la región casi en tiempo real y sin necesidad de desplegar esfuerzos en el terreno. Por otra parte, hemos estudiado los patrones de actividad y movilidad humana para caracterizar las interacciones entre regiones de un país en desarrollo. Encontramos que las redes de llamadas y trayectorias humanas tienen estructuras de comunidades asociadas a regiones y centros urbanos. En resumen, hemos mostrado que es posible entender procesos sociales complejos por medio del análisis de datos de actividad humana y la teoría de redes complejas. A lo largo de la tesis, hemos comprobado que fenómenos sociales como la influencia, polarización política o reacción a eventos críticos quedan reflejados en los patrones estructurales y dinámicos que presentan la redes construidas a partir de datos de conversaciones en redes sociales de Internet o telefonía móvil. ABSTRACT During daily routines, we are constantly interacting with electronic devices and telecommunication services. Unconsciously, we are massively leaving traces of our activity in the service providers’ databases. These new data sources have the dimensions required to enable the observation of human behavioral patterns at large scales. As a result, there has been an unprecedented explosion of data-driven social research. In this thesis, we develop computational and mathematical methods to analyze social systems by means of the combined study of human activity data and the theory of complex networks. Our goal is to characterize and understand the emergent systems from human interactions on the new technological spaces, such as the online social network Twitter and mobile phones. We analyze systems by means of the construction of complex networks and temporal series, studying their structure, functioning and temporal evolution. We also investigate on the nature of the observed patterns, by means of the mechanisms that rule the interactions among individuals, as well as on the impact of critical events on the system’s behavior. For this purpose, we have proposed models that explain the global structures and the emergent dynamics of information flow in the system. In the studies of the online social network Twitter, we have based our analysis on specific conversations, such as political protests, important announcements and electoral processes. From the messages related to the conversations, we identify the participant users and build networks of interactions with them. We specifically build one network to represent whoreceives- whose-messages and another to represent who-propagates-whose-messages. In general, we have found that these structures have complex properties, such as explosive growth and scale-free degree distributions. Based on the topological properties of these networks, we have identified three types of user behavior that determine the information flow dynamics due to their influence. In order to measure the users’ influence on the conversations, we have introduced a new measure called user efficiency. It is defined as the number of retransmissions obtained by message posted, and it measures the effects of the individual activity on the collective reacixtions. We have observed that the probability distribution of this property is ubiquitous across several Twitter conversation, regardlessly of their dimension or social context. Therefore, we suggest that there is a universal behavior in the relationship between individual efforts and collective reactions on Twitter. In order to explain the different factors that determine the user efficiency distribution, we have developed a computational model to simulate the diffusion of messages on Twitter, based on the mechanism of independent cascades. This model, allows us to measure the impact on the emergent efficiency distribution of the underlying network topology, as well as the way that users post messages. The results indicate that the emergence of an exclusive group of highly efficient users depends upon the heterogeneity of the underlying network instead of the individual behavior. Moreover, we have also developed techniques to infer the degree of polarization in social networks. We propose a methodology to estimate opinions in social networks and to measure the degree of polarization in the obtained opinions. We have designed a model to study the effects of the opinions of a small group of influential users, called elite, on the opinions of the majority of users. The model results in an opinions distribution to which we measure the degree of polarization. We apply our methodology to measure the polarization on graphs from the messages diffusion process, during a conversation on Twitter from a polarized society. The results are in very good agreement with offline and contextual data. With this study, we have shown that our methodology is capable of detecting several degrees of polarization depending on the structure of the networks. Finally, we have also inferred the human behavior from mobile phones’ data. On the one hand, we have characterized the impact of natural disasters, like flooding, on the collective behavior. We found that the communication patterns are abruptly altered in the areas affected by the catastrophe. Therefore, we demonstrate that we could measure the impact of the disaster on the region, almost in real-time and without needing to deploy further efforts. On the other hand, we have studied human activity and mobility patterns in order to characterize regional interactions on a developing country. We found that the calls and trajectories networks present community structure associated to regional and urban areas. In summary, we have shown that it is possible to understand complex social processes by means of analyzing human activity data and the theory of complex networks. Along the thesis, we have demonstrated that social phenomena, like influence, polarization and reaction to critical events, are reflected in the structural and dynamical patterns of the networks constructed from data regarding conversations on online social networks and mobile phones.

¿Es este un proyecto de Mies? / Is this a Mies s project?

Is this a Mies?s project? Disappearances, or the art of being a Mies project Angel Borrego Several years ago I had to solve the structure of Mies House of the Werkbund exhibition of 1931 as an exercise for a course named Structures Projects in the School of Architecture of Madrid. We were offered this house as an exercise because there had been some complaints about having to calculate and deal with ?bad, real, anonymous? architecture widely recognized as such, in so far as it has been widely published, that furthermore had some ideal quality to it, a quality reinforced by the fact that it was not there anymore, one could not go and see it, old and deteriorated, all images we have of it are of a shiny new object: in fact its ideal quality was even present in that it had not even been designed to be a completely real house, as nobody ever lived there and wasn?t supposed to. It was a three dimensional representation of a house, what gave it a further flair of ideality. And it was as well the representation of an idea, and we all liked that. Last but not least, it had Mies to back it up, which promised us the remote possibility of analyzing one of his works in depth, with proper tools (this was a structures course, and we had already read, or heard, something about the importance of structures in Mies?s work.) We were lured by the possibility of reconstructing, if not the pavilion, some of the ideas leading to it. Ideas that were themselves structural, like the ?perfectly regular all columnar structure?, an ideal structure. We had a sensation that we could somehow reproduce the process and thoughts of Mies leading to the solution of a particular work, investigate him in a cuasi archaeological manner, reconstruct the project, as if being able to reconstruct one work we could reconstruct the entire Mies, and placing ourselves in his position replace him, which was to know for once where we were (1). All these thoughts, passed through our minds more or less abstractly, believe it or not, before we realized that we were supposed to imagine that the roof was also supported by the walls and that the plan was lacking two columns, which was short. We could not believe that only to make the exercise more difficult, as it was admitted, the professors would mutilate a Mies work in such a way. The exercise had lost all interest to us and there were some timid protests. The surprise came when, though admitting that the supporting walls had been their idea, the professors said they had not manipulated the plan of the house at all. Some confusion followed, since that seemed quite incredible to us, even more to professors I guess. Two of us went to the library and checkout two books, one being the ?History of Modern Architecture? (the Benevolo as it was known), from where they said to have copied the plan of the house for the exercise, and another book on Mies that included the same project. The Benevolo was actually lacking the two columns, but the other book included them, making clear our point. We were able to reorient the exercise and calculate the house just as Mies had designed it. We, the students I mean, were really happy, since we had a voice in the discipline of architecture: our own discipline since we were the ones being disciplined, and we had been allowed to freely talk our way through it. I had the nice sensation that what happened was curiously and rewardingly similar to, or a kind of metaphor for, the flowing space of the free plan, that was allowed to move through the perfectly regular structure, a most disciplined structure. As Mark Wigley has noted, discipline is intimately related to prothesis. The concept of prothesis (pro-thesis) would be already architectural as ?the act of placing before?, referring to a structure that has to be placed before anything else; it is already a structure, rather than being something added that could be removed..

LUCAS 13,1-5 MEMÓRIA PERIGOSA DAS VÍTIMAS

O seguinte trabalho desenvolve o tema da violência contra o movimento popular na Galiléia, segundo o texto de Lucas 13,1-5. Esse texto não tem paralelo nas outras duas fontes sinóticas, nem em João, nem em Tomé, nem no grupo Galileu que escreveu a fonte Q; quanto a esses eventos históricos que narra o texto, não há referência nem em Flávio Josefo, nem em outros historiadores da época. Isso quer dizer, que estes versículos são uma fonte própria de Lucas, uma fonte autônoma, chamada por alguns como fonte L (ou fonte S). A abordagem deste texto de Lucas, feita por grande parte de pesquisadores na área bíblica, preocupa-se com os temas de pecado e arrependimento, deixando na margem a situação das vítimas e as ameaças de Jesus para seus ouvintes. Neste sentido, este trecho de Lucas é de grande importância. Estes versículos expressam a realidade sócio -política. Seu conteúdo é um sinal de conflito e de denúncia contra o sistema imperial romano que não passou desapercebido para o redator do texto e nem para o seu auditório. Trata-se, portanto, da memória das vítimas da opressão. Apresentamos a seguir, a pesquisa em três capítulos esboçados brevemente. O primeiro descreve o agir específico dos procuradores ou governadores romanos, nas províncias comandadas por eles; ao mesmo tempo, a reação do povo e os seus protestos. A nossa ênfase recairá sobre o procurador romano Pôncio Pilatos. Nos valeremos das fontes bíblicas, extra-bíblicas e pseudo-epígrafas. No final, destacaremos a relevância e o papel central do texto Lucas 13,1-5. No segundo capítulo, o centro será a exegese de Lucas 13,1-5, relacionando-o com o contexto maior que, em nosso caso, é chamado itinerário de viagem para Jerusalém , e com um contexto imediato que é o capitulo 13 de Lucas. No final, perguntaremos pelo grupo ou grupos que podem estar por trás destes versículos, e a importância da fonte L, como fonte primeira que se insere no Evangelho de Lucas. O texto de Lucas 13,1-5 aparece como texto autônomo, memória das vítimas; ele contrasta com a visão moderada dos relatos da Paixão nos sinóticos, frente a uma realidade de opressão. O terceiro capítulo constitui-se num ensaio de articulação destes dois capítulos com a realidade atual, especificamente com a situação de guerra, violência e morte na Colômbia, junto aos esforços atuais por reconstruir a memória das vítimas do povo colombiano, memória que dá sentido e dignifica a oferenda de suas vidas.(AU)

LUCAS 13,1-5 MEMÓRIA PERIGOSA DAS VÍTIMAS

O seguinte trabalho desenvolve o tema da violência contra o movimento popular na Galiléia, segundo o texto de Lucas 13,1-5. Esse texto não tem paralelo nas outras duas fontes sinóticas, nem em João, nem em Tomé, nem no grupo Galileu que escreveu a fonte Q; quanto a esses eventos históricos que narra o texto, não há referência nem em Flávio Josefo, nem em outros historiadores da época. Isso quer dizer, que estes versículos são uma fonte própria de Lucas, uma fonte autônoma, chamada por alguns como fonte L (ou fonte S). A abordagem deste texto de Lucas, feita por grande parte de pesquisadores na área bíblica, preocupa-se com os temas de pecado e arrependimento, deixando na margem a situação das vítimas e as ameaças de Jesus para seus ouvintes. Neste sentido, este trecho de Lucas é de grande importância. Estes versículos expressam a realidade sócio -política. Seu conteúdo é um sinal de conflito e de denúncia contra o sistema imperial romano que não passou desapercebido para o redator do texto e nem para o seu auditório. Trata-se, portanto, da memória das vítimas da opressão. Apresentamos a seguir, a pesquisa em três capítulos esboçados brevemente. O primeiro descreve o agir específico dos procuradores ou governadores romanos, nas províncias comandadas por eles; ao mesmo tempo, a reação do povo e os seus protestos. A nossa ênfase recairá sobre o procurador romano Pôncio Pilatos. Nos valeremos das fontes bíblicas, extra-bíblicas e pseudo-epígrafas. No final, destacaremos a relevância e o papel central do texto Lucas 13,1-5. No segundo capítulo, o centro será a exegese de Lucas 13,1-5, relacionando-o com o contexto maior que, em nosso caso, é chamado itinerário de viagem para Jerusalém , e com um contexto imediato que é o capitulo 13 de Lucas. No final, perguntaremos pelo grupo ou grupos que podem estar por trás destes versículos, e a importância da fonte L, como fonte primeira que se insere no Evangelho de Lucas. O texto de Lucas 13,1-5 aparece como texto autônomo, memória das vítimas; ele contrasta com a visão moderada dos relatos da Paixão nos sinóticos, frente a uma realidade de opressão. O terceiro capítulo constitui-se num ensaio de articulação destes dois capítulos com a realidade atual, especificamente com a situação de guerra, violência e morte na Colômbia, junto aos esforços atuais por reconstruir a memória das vítimas do povo colombiano, memória que dá sentido e dignifica a oferenda de suas vidas.(AU)

Reacciones y protestas de agricultores e inmigrantes en El Ejido : Un municipio español inserto en las dinámicas de la globalización

El Ejido es una ciudad del sudeste español que ha pasado de ser una pequeña aldea dedicada a la agricultura de subsistencia, a principios de 1960, a tener en 2015 más de 85.000 habitantes. Este cambio se debe al desarrollo de una economía de invernaderos muy próspera que hoy está totalmente inserta en las dinámicas de la globalización. Tales dinámicas han ocasionado efectos contradictorios y han suscitado reacciones y/o formas de protesta diferentes en los dos principales actores sociales de El Ejido (los agricultores y los inmigrantes), entre los que se observan profundas asimetrías socioeconómicas y relaciones de explotación laboral. Como consecuencia, los inmigrantes y los agricultores viven en dos mundos sociales completamente diferentes y tienen percepciones y actitudes opuestas sobre la realidad, las cuales, a su vez, afectan a sus respectivas posibilidades y modos de reacción y/o de protesta

Acción colectiva rural, reforma agraria y política en El Ecuador, ca. 1920-1965

This thesis studies the rural collective action processes between 1920 and 1965 in Ecuador with a social history and political sociology approach. An approximation is carried out towards the conflicts, mobilizations and protests where indigenous and not indigenous peasants participated. Because of this, they are considered two periods, the first one that last from 1931 to 1947, sealed by the political instability and a constant change of governments; and the second one between 1948 and 1965, in a phase of successive constitutionally governments that ruled between 1948 and 1960. The conflicts and rural mobilizations reached a major visibility since 1958, deeply affecting the public opinion. The importance and magnitude of the rural mobilizations between 1959 and 1963 generated a controversy on their political effects in the agrarian change. Certainly, the rural mobilizations influenced in the outcome that took the political crisis, which concluded in the implantation of a military government in 1963. This government issued an Agrarian Reform Law in 1964, which modified partially the working relations and the land ownership. And, in addition, it defined a new type of military intervention in the policies that combined repression with reforms. The existence of a landowner social segment that backed a reform in the rural highland (sierra) society has been generally identified by Galo Plaza's figure. In his government (1948-1952), transformations were accentuated in the State intervention, mainly orientated towards the economic and political modernization. This was a new moment of coastal agro-exportation development with the leadership of the banana production. There were stimulated measures of promotion of the production and exportation of bananas. So, the road infrastructure was intensively spread and connected the producing zones with the export ports...

Visions of the Spanish Revolution: identities and conflicts in post-welfare societies

This is a case study that analyzes photographic documents of the social protest in Spain between 2011 and 2013. The analysis is qualitative and considers the use of space, the visual expression of the messages and the orientation toward the causes or effects of political, economic and social changes. Visual sociology allows us to appreciate, in the case of the Spanish Revolution, a dynamic of “reflexivity” unrecognizable from other research approaches. Two successive waves of social mobilization in response to two different shocks can be appreciated. The first is given by political corruption, unemployment and the threat to consumer society. The second shock is caused by the savage cuts in the Welfare State. Social mobilization is expressed differently in each phase, and the forms taken by the protests show how the class structure in post industrial society shapes the reactions to the crisis of the Welfare State.

The EU’s Sanctions against Syria: Conflict Management by Other Means. Security Policy Brief No. 38

Since May 2011, the EU has launched one of its most far reaching and sophisticated sanctions operations in support of the protests against the current regime in Syria. The present brief examines the measures wielded by the EU, its expected impact and its implications for the EU’s relations with its global partners. While seriously undermined by the lack of support of Russia, the sanctions are having a noticeable economic impact. Yet, the choice of measures is ill-suited to stop the bloodshed. The sanctions have also served to (re)define partnerships with other powers, both in the Middle-East and globally.

The emblematic statement of the Nobel Peace Prize. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 13 No. 1, January 2013

From the Introduction. On October 12th the Nobel Committee announced that the annual Nobel Peace Prize would be awarded to the European Union for, “promoting peace, democracy and human rights over six decades”.1 This was a bit of good news for the EU who had produced nothing but bad press with the Euro Crisis, the bailouts of struggling countries like Greece, and protests in the southern member states of Spain, Portugal, and Italy. At such a momentous occasion the EU’s next challenge was to figure out who would be the rightful head of the EU to accept the award. The EU has made their decision by opting to send its top three officials Jose Manuel Barroso the President of the European Commission, Herman Van Rompuy the President of the European Council, and Martin Schulz the President of the European Parliament2 as a sign that the EU is not headed by one person but instead is an supranational economic and political bloc that seeks to unify the European continent. Their symbolic acceptance of the award is in response to what Geir Lundestad, the Secretary of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, called, “an accumulated record.”3 This record has ushered the EU into the international spotlight as a beacon for countries in the EU’s periphery to want to join the bloc.

Ukraine and the EU: turning the Association Agreement into a success story1. EPC Policy Brief, 23 April 2014

It is paradoxical and symbolic that it has taken Ukraine two waves of mass protests to conclude a new agreement with the EU. As a result, the political and geopolitical implications of the Association Agreement between the EU and Ukraine are very high. This means that it cannot be regarded merely as one of many trade agreements signed by the EU with its numerous trading partners. More attention needs to be paid to the role and impact of the Association Agreement on Ukraine. This requires screening, prioritising and sequencing of the approximation process at the national, sectoral and regional levels. Implementing the Agreement in a cost-effective way will allow Ukraine to derive benefits in the short-to-medium term, at the very time when Russia is sparing no efforts to inflict harm on the Ukrainian economy to punish the country for its European orientation.