1930, a Paraíba e o inconsciente político da revolução: a narrativa como ato socialmente simbólico

This work is an attempt to show that the ideological conflict that has been developed by the hegemony of the 1930 Revolution historical events in Paraíba, conceptually turned into an insoluble social contradiction. It ocurred due to imaginary or formal resolutions of the literature that ended up by altering the epistemological rules of the relation between fiction and reality. The present work is based on The unconscious politics: a narrative as a socially symbolic act , book in which all the literary or cultural texts can and should be read as symbolic resolutions to insoluble social contradictions. From string to contemporary literature this phenomenon has been registered by the several ways of textual production turning the 1930 Revolution into one of the main elements which guides the political scene of Paraíba. The ideological groups still centered on the political resentment and committed to a political conflict forged the existence of two historical truths: one which suits the liberais , the winners, and another is of the 1930 conflict. This work argues in favour of the unconscious politics of the 1930 Revolution. This thesis considers necessarily the relation that the Paraibana society maintains with its past and how this past reaches in the present the liberation of a hidden and repressed truth through its narrativization. Beyond that, how the ideological partiality generated the political resentment through the way of thinking of the rivals under the perspective of the good and evil reveals its insoluble social contradiction. Process which comprehends varied narrative forms of the mass culture products and literary production, as in the methodological perspective pointed by Fredric Jameson that all literary or cultural texts can and shall be read as symbolic resolutions of true political and social contradictions. In the case of Paraiba we will have resolutions that search for the reasons which caused the death of João Pessoa: forgery and publicity of love letters, dispute over the official version of suicide commited by João Dantas, the man who assassinated João Pessoa

Mulher chefe de família, na cidade de Aracaju:dominação e poder

The research was focada in the feminine head of family, the City of Aracaju and its impacts in the nuclear familiar nucleus. Considering that, the papers of the men are in general, not valued and rewarded that the papers of the women in almost all the cultures. The women generally load the responsibility to take care of of the children and the domestic work, while the men traditionally are born with the responsibility to support the family. However, we find changes in this mainly north-eastern scene and, where through quantitative research, already one evidenced that they are majority as family support, therefore, we observe the construction of social identities of the women family heads and uncurling of the adaptativos aspects, the existing mechanism between domination and power, in the familiar nucleus. The impacts in the family if had change in the social relation for them to be family heads. One is about qualitative research that has left of the construction of a theoretical landmark, analyzing given of bibliographical sources and from interviews with women family heads, power to observe the forms of joints in the nuclear families, as they deal with the power to decide power, the financial power, the fragility, the domination and the influences of the traditional models. Analyzing the familiar relations between the woman, the children and the spouse, searching the excellent questions for the briefing of the thematic one, demystifying the dichotomy between the mother/wife and woman head of family in the residential environment

Mulheres na Política e Autonomia

The proposal of this study was to work with women in the politics, focusing on their trajectories, biographies and speeches, to catch the meanings given by themselves to their insertion in the political field. The privileged instrument of research was the autobiographical narratives of fifteen women who, in Paraíba, had participated of the electoral processes and the life partisan politics in the period from 1998 to 2008, in the state and federal scopes. This permitted us to search the dimension of their lived expericence, to understand the trajectories and the processes of autonomation of the women, in the politics. Moreover, a quantitative mapping of the feminine presence in the processes was made electoral politicians in a wider context. In a similar way, two surveys had been carried throughout the research, among others aspects, to understand that image voters and politicians they construct concerning the feminine participation in this field. These instruments were important not to lose of all the social view where these lives were developed, the places from which these women speak and locate and the social meanings originated from this participation. The research aimed to establish dialogues between knowing and fields of discipline, beyond the dichotomy of actor/structure, preventing generalizations that ignore the plurality of the individuals, to reveal some aspects of the complex and contradictory processes that involve their participation in the political field. At last, it is tried to show that, although the frequent accusations of autonomy lack, when establishing relations in the public space, the women, as all subjects, can reflect about themselves, the motives of their thoughts and their actions escaping from the servitude of the repetition and avoid being only product of the institution that formed them (CASTORIADIS, 1992, p.140-141)

A política de humanização e a estratégia saúde da família: visões e vivências

This study approaches the topic of humanization in health that involves the set of policies implemented by the Ministry of Health in Brazil. Its aims are directed towards a reflection on the guiding theoretical and organizing axes of the National Humanization Policy (NHP) and their repercussions on municipal health policy of Natal, Brazil; an analysis of the results of the policy at the local level; knowledge of the views and experiences of the humanization agents in the daily work process and identification of the main challenges of the policy. The empirical field of investigation was the Family Health Strategy (FHS) of the city of Natal. The assumption of the study is that the FHS has produced local experiences with potentialities that must not be wasted, in which there are difficulties and discrepancies between the real and proposed model. The contradictions and challenges in the social and political context of Brazil in the early XXI century and their consequences in the field of health reflect anti-utilitarian aspects anchored strongly in the theoretical concepts of Boaventura de Sousa Santos about the sociology of privations and emergencies as well as of the work of translating. The predominantly qualitative approach collects some complementary quantitative data. The study procedures used were the following: bibliographic research; documental research; interviews; and direct observation. Interpretation of the information obtained was based on documental analysis and on the symbolic cartography of the social representations. Cartographic evidence suggests that practices still take place under dehumanizing conditions that compromise the quality of care given. However, there is a movement aimed at changing the work process that has been strengthening the link and widening the measures developed, incorporating new directions in diversity, integrality and solidarity. The map drawn shows a reality manifested by explicit intentions in a political agenda, by concrete solutions marked by an assortment of difficulties and expressed in the words of the agents and by latent clues identified in successful local experiences, posing many challenges for the consolidation of the proposed changes

Folha de São Paulo: o diário oficial do grande irmão

This project wants to analyze the newspaper like a collective organic intellectual thing, and its action like a conservator integral journalism, it makes it looks like a politics block. In this case, the newspaper inserts itself in a process to support the dominated fundamental class. In the same time, it searches to disqualify politically, using the news and the opinion, the sprouting of against-hegemony even untimely and distant in the historical time. Facing this proposal we take as study object the FOLHA DE S. PAULO, nowadays the most representative agency of the great conservative press. Our theoretical reference takes as base the Gramsci organic intellectual formularizations, hegemony, position´s war, integral journalism and private device of hegemony. We allow ourselves, in a subsidiary way to the Gramsci basement, using the novel 1984 written by George Orwell, as a method to explicit, in a comparative way, the manipulation of the reality by the newspaper in its activity of collective organic intellectual. The ideology is the heuristic connection point to make convergence between reality and fiction. For the intended evidences we develop analysis of the daily covering about two great accidents occurred in 2007: The landslide of part of the workmanships of the tunnel of the Companhia do Metropolitano de São Paulo-Metrô (line yellow 4). And the flying disaster involving the airbus of Transportes Aéreos Meridionais-TAM, flight 3054, also in that state. In the first accident we find endorsement of the newspaper to the São Paulo´s government, in the person of the politician actor José Serra (PSDB), representative of the conservative forces and responsible for the workmanships of the Subway, to who it tried to distance politically of the fact. In the second event, the opposition to the politician actor Luis Inácio Luis Lula da Silva and his politics block, the PT, as a possibility against-hegemonic contested, being the mentioned actor appointed as responsible for the occurrence. However, the newspaper says that it is independent and direct, and this direct action comes from the environment. In this environment, the diversity of conceptions of world would guide the publishing work, making the FOLHA DE S. PAULO to take it as a reference for the intended objective, hiding the politics block militancy

Os dias são maus : o ensino religioso cristão em dias pós-modernos o desafio de fazer crer perante a cultura da incredulidade

This paper adopts the assumption that religion continues to be a major highlight in the dimension of the contemporary world - characterized by pluralism, the ideas of tolerance and freedom. But for certain streams of Christianity, the postmodern culture seems to be characterized as a highly damaging to their doctrines and principles, since this religious matrix carries a truth claim that would support all its significance, its definition values and their dissemination effort ( evangelism ). This is not to say that Christianity is the only religion that claims to the truth, which would be a gross mistake. Now, religion has been reputed as a phenomenon doomed to disappear, according to the " ideology " of Modernity, given the idea that scientific development would lead us inevitably to the statement that religion was merely a social institution based in the superstition, in fantasy, the imaginary and therefore had nothing "real " unless its existence as an institution capable of aggregating society (give it cohesion), provide values and meaning to different ontological anxieties and doubts of humankind. In the contemporary scenario - seeded by modernity - as Christian ideas, doctrines and principles are in harmony or conflict with postmodernity? These are our starting questions and issues that we intend to stop and reflect. From the assumption that the religious phenomenon has great force in the present day, this research aims to perform central analysis of how religious education, a Protestant denomination specific, harmonizes or clashes with the ideology or ideas more general and emphatic that we can observe in the western world is presented to us from the diagnoses made by the contemporary authors who debate about postmodernism and postmodernity, notably David Harvey, Jean - François Lyotard, Bauman Zygmunt and Fredric Jameson

ELOY DE SOUZA: UMA INTERPRETAÇÃO SOBRE O NORDESTE E OS DILEMAS DAS SECAS

The thought of Eloy de Souza is studied (1873-1959), that left a significant intellectual production in the journalistic, cultural and politicial scope on the Northeast and the dilemmas of the droughts. Through the method of content analysis, his journalistic and literary speech is investigated, looking at to understand the elaboration and/ or reiteration of categories, of representations and of values; it is verified how was conceived the constitution of the political thought and which is it´s principal slopes; the parliamentary speech, present in his interventions is analyzed in plenary session, participation in commissions and in his projects, particularly in the thematic area of the droughts. It is verified that his work is built in a political and ideological perspective inserting the bourgeoisie landowner's interests and Northeastern commercial and of it´s political strata, inside the historical block of agro-industry power that has as irradiation focus the area of the coffee represented politically by the oligarchies person from São Paulo and Minas Gerais. In that sense, two crucial categories emerge: the droughts and the country, as the Northeastern and Brazilian man's synthesis, with their resistance capacity and adaptation, and their creative effort in an adverse enviroment, that Eloy de Souza started to insert in his political speech. However, the vision that he passes of the "country suffer", expresses a certain idealization of a lifestyle that corresponds to a traditional dominance, that he want´s to be reproduced. Although it looked for the solution for the drought through the modernization of the economy by the adoption of advanced methods as the irrigation, his concern went back to the conservation of the economical and cultural political hegemony of that elite. Thus, his inquietude with the process of integration of the subordinate sections, justifies his consensual speech, harmonic as organic intellectual of the agrarian-commercial bourgeoisie of the Brazilian Northeast

IIRSA: outro passo na pilhagem, exploração e (des) integração dos povos e territórios sul-americanos

La llamada Iniciativa para la Integración de Infraestructura Regional Suramericana (IIRSA) es un acuerdo multinacional celebrado entre los 12 países de América del Sur desde el año 2000, materializado a través de 10 ejes de comercialización orientados a la construcción de varios proyectos de infraestructura, que incluye la construcción de una enorme red de energía, de comunicación y transporte. Estos proyectos han sido financiados principalmente por los organismos multilaterales (BID, CAF, FONPLATA) profundizando la dependencia económica y política de los países involucrados, en especial mediante el aumento de la deuda externa, las empresas transnacionales garantizarán la infraestructura necesaria para la explotación más acentuada de nuestros recursos naturales y de la mano de obra barata, asegurando el abastecimiento de sus mercados. En este sentido, el discurso de crecimiento económico regional creará los mecanismos necesarios para la reproducción ampliada del sistema capitalista, mediante la promoción de la liberalización de los mercados internacionales, tales como intenta los Estados Unidos a través del Área de Libre Comercio de las Américas. En realidad, es un Desarrollo Regional de los países del Norte, un plan estratégico de ordenamiento territorial construido por transnacionales y dictado por el imperialismo de Norteamérica. Bajo la dirección del gobierno de Brasil ha sido implementado sigilosamente, para que los jefes de Estado, sin nombrarlo, ejecuten sus planes de desarrollo como parte de esta tan evidente estrategia de saqueo, entusiasmados y convencidos de que serán generosamente recompensados. Proclaman e inauguran proyectos de infraestructura que las empresas multinacionales y transnacionales consideran indispensables para el saqueo de los recursos naturales que aún quedan, después de cinco siglos de explotación continua de América Latina. En este sentido, nuestra investigación se volvió hacia el análisis de lo sector energético de lo Eje Perú-Brasil-Bolivia, por considerarlo de suma importancia para el mantenimiento de la explotación y consolidación hegemónica de las corporaciones multinacionales en América Latina

Planejamento em saúde no Brasil: convergências e divergências entre instâncias de gestão

Trata-se de uma investigação que busca revelar convergências e divergências no processo de planificação da Política Pública de Saúde, com foco primordial na participação dos organismos de representação social na consolidação do Sistema Único (SUS), destacando a Conferência Nacional de Saúde CNS, instância que deve ter participação obrigatória na formulação de recomendações para essa política estatal. Considera que a planificação reúne elementos de concepção jurídica, técnica e política para a elaboração dos documentos intitulados Planos Nacionais de Saúde PNS. A partir de pesquisa qualitativa de base documental e argumentação com apoio de Cartografia Simbólica, põe em exame o processo de elaboração e o teor presente nos relatórios da 12ª (2003), 13ª (2007) e 14ª CNS (2011), alinhando seus eixos, diretrizes e prioridades nos correspondentes PNS nos quadriênios 2004-2007, 2008-2011 e 2012-2015. A escolha desses instrumentos, na temporalidade sugerida, tem por esteio o período em que a implantação do sistema de Planejamento do SUS PlanejaSUS, orienta normativa e tecnicamente a elaboração do PNS, tendo como uma de suas referências o que foi emanado das conferências. Propõe-se verificar as tensões existentes entre momentos distintos da definição das prioridades elencadas nas políticas públicas de saúde à luz das contribuições teóricas sobre a concepção do Estado, numa visão contemporânea associada à sua dinâmica de atuação vinculada ao modo de produção e acumulação capitalista; sobre a metodologia do Planejamento Estratégico com base na participação de atores diversos; e ainda, na análise sobre a expressão desse participacionismo na ótica dos processos democráticos representativos no SUS. Na confecção dos mapas cartográficos foi proposta a correlação entre os conteúdos dos Relatórios das 12ª a 14ª conferências de saúde com o que está expresso nas prioridades constantes nos Planos Nacionais de Saúde (2004 a 2007, 2008 a 2011 e 2012 a 2015), verificando-se aproximações e distanciamentos existentes entre o que expressa a sociedade e a política governamental. Conclui-se que, do exame crítico entre as diretrizes e prioridades contidas no acervo documental existente e sua metodologia de construção, com fundamento na argumentação do aporte teórico trabalhado, são verificadas tensões e harmonizações que revelam pontos convergentes e dissonantes das pactuações e consensos entre os atores sociais representantes dos segmentos, no qual critério da representatividade condiciona a defesa de opiniões, interesses e prioridades, de modo diverso para os que estão implicados nesse processo de planificação

Quatro vezes Lula-lá A imagem pública de Lula no horário eleitoral nas quatro campanhas presidenciais

Descreve-se aqui a formação da Imagem Pública de Luis Inácio Lula da Silva através do Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral, nas quatro eleições presidenciais que marcaram o período de democratização do País: 1989, 1994, 1998 e 2002. O fato de um candidato contrário às elites, três vezes derrotado em eleições anteriores, conseguir convencer através da mídia a elegê-lo eleitores que votavam antes em seus adversários, demonstra que a democracia representativa brasileira é institucionalmente compatível com regime de informação imposto pelos meios de comunicação de massa na sociedade atual? Além de comprovar a preponderância da Imagem Pública em processos eleitorais em que o Cenário de Representação da Política se caracteriza pela imprevisibilidade, a pesquisa constatou ainda que a atual luta política, mais que uma luta meramente pela visibilidade imposta pela TV e pelos meios de comunicação em geral ainda é uma disputa política. E que a mídia enquadra a política, mas também é por ela agendada, principalmente em momentos de grande incerteza política e/ou pouca previsibilidade eleitoral

Desenvolvimento, sustentabilidade e conservação da biodiversidade na amazônia: a produção familiar agroextrativista em áreas protegidas no sul do amapá

The establishment of Extractivism and Sustainable Development Reserves comes from an amazon forestry people resistance initiative. It means an option of natural resources management as protected areas for agroextractivism purposes. According to the institutional point of view, these lands, called Conservation Unity for Sustainable Exploration, belong to the government which grants the usufruct rights to the agroextractivist families under a sharing territory administration agreement among government and rural communities. The main roles of these lands are both: to improve the dwellers wellbeing, and protecting the local biodiversity. Additionally, they also represent the start of this thesis theme entitled Development, sustainability, and biodiversity conservation in the Amazon region: the use of protected areas for agroextractivism domestic yield in south of Amapá state with the objective of analyzing the performance that each territory has been reaching in terms of the attributions proposed at the beginning, when they were created. Social, economics, and environment changes that occurred in the agroextractivist areas have been evaluated from two selected test sites, named Rio Cajari Extractivist Reserve and Rio Iratapuru Sustainable Reserve, both, localized in the south of Amapá state

Trajetórias da adoção cadastral em Fortaleza: o Estado modelando as relações familiares

Esta disertación tiene como objetivo principal identificar las motivaciones de los adoptantes catastrales, pues la regularidad estadística en el universo adoptivo nacional apunta para una preferencia por las adopciones al modo brasileño o listas. La hipótesis principal señala que las caracterizaciones de los sujetos en foco, en cuanto a su pertenencia religiosa y al nivel de educación formal, ejercen fuerte influencia en su opción por la adopción catastral. Apoyándose en la teoría del habitus de Pierre Bourdieu, se pudo constatar que la cultura individual es lo que orienta los límites de la acción de los sujetos y, en el caso de los adoptantes catastrales, en sus diferentes habitus, se encuentra la explicación para sus trayectos y tentativas adoptivas. Es importante recordar que sus habitus son unificados por el Estado. En la colecta y análisis de los datos, se realizó un trabajo cualitativo y cuantitativo fundamentado en los siguientes recursos: observación directa, consultas de documentos oficiales, aplicación de formularios y entrevistas semiestructuradas. Las observaciones fueron realizadas en instituciones relacionadas al proceso de las adopciones catastrales, así como mediante encuestas sobre los adoptantes. Se analizaron, también, documentos referentes al regimiento de esas instituciones, especialmente en cuanto a las orientaciones relativas a la práctica adoptiva estudiada. Se observó una discrepancia entre el discurso oficial y lo que efectivamente las instituciones practican en su cotidiano. Por fin, en cuanto a las entrevistas realizadas con los adoptantes, fue verificado que ellos tienen un nivel socioeconómico y formación escolar superior a la media de la población de la ciudad de Fortaleza, así como participan de alguna comunidad religiosa y son miembros de familias que representan el modelo socialmente dominante nuclear burgués

Direitos humanos e dilemas da democracia no Brasil: um estudo sociológico do trabalho policial (1985-2009)

According to the Public National Security Plan, the security is "[ ] a right by democratic excellence legitimately desired by all sectors of society, which is the fundamental right of citizenship, obligation of the constitutional state and responsibility of each one of us." The 1988 Constitution recognized the rights of life, liberty and personal integrity, considered torture and racial discrimination as crimes. The prime directive of the National Security and Citizenship (Law No. 11,707 of June 19, 2008 - PRONASCI-Brazil) expresses the commitment of the Brazilian state with the promotion of human rights. But despite this formal recognition, official violence continues to be used as a means of maintaining social order, consolidating a police action violating human rights (Amnesty International report "They go in shooting" - AI Index: AMR 19/025/2005) . This thesis analyzes the police work combined with the extension of citizenship rights, the spaces of freedom and democracy as a measure for the degree of affirmation or denial of the Human Rights in Brazil, and proposes the construction of a human friendly Police Force (Post - Colonial, Post-Abyss, Intercultural and Democratic)

Sobre uma cultura do mal-estar com a política

The current dissertation has as its main object of study the malaise with politics phenomenon. To comprehend it, is carried out in this work a inquiry, in different stages of analysis, based in the empirical data raised by the research Os Processos Sociais de Recepção do Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral , made by the Grupo de Estudos Mídia e Poder, of the Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, during the local elections of 2004 in the city of Natal. Based in the focus group technique, such research raised an ample set of information about the decoding process of the electoral television programs, made by six different groups of citizens from the popular classes. Beginning from the presuppose which such process is influenced by the representations about politics made by those subjects, we use that set of empirical information to inquiry not only the decoding, but that same representations which this process is based. In this way, we analyse, in one side, the globally contrary decoding which subjects made from a conforming code of opposition and, in the other, the structure of feeling which it s based, called structure of feeling of the malaise with politics. Such structure is compound by generating themes which expresses the contraposition about the institutionalized politics and, in the same time, a resignation about politics which fortifies the dominant groups hegemony. We support the thesis which this set of representations about politics is caused by the denial of rights frame which those subjects are immersed

Reforma administrativa e gestão de políticas sociais em Mossoró: a falácia dos atores institucionais e sociais

The thesis entitled The administrative reform and social political management in Mossoró: the institutional and social staff's falacy. Comprehends a moment of apprehensiveness and analysis in the reestrcturing process of the city, whose process will show the formation of strategies and deployment of its relation with the social political affectiveness. It represents a single moment in the approach of such a kind of experience in the city. The analysis starts from the third mandate of the Mayor Rosalba Ciarlini Rosado, during the quadriennium 2001/2004, for being the time in which the public management got materialized, such as in the operational way of the social politics. For that, we delimitate this study in two distinct moments: the first one refers to the reform elaboration from the creation of the additional law nº 001/2000 GP/PMM: the second one refers to a practical reform from the social and institutional staff's speech. Within that scenary it was seen that the approaching, though partially, the State Reform and, consequently, the master plan of the state apparatus, which were made of theoretical matrices of such a project locally. However, that is a complex experience, that required the use of field and documental research for the proposed investigation and at the same time, prove the guiding hypothesis of it, what means a grouping of areas like: education, healthy, and social development in only one department City Citizenship Department that is able to materialize a new intitutional arrangement, according to the management principles in the public administration at the govern local level, configuring a reform and not just an institutional adequacy. In that context, it got necessary to apprehending the institutional and social actors' falacy as a way to prove or not the presented hypothesis. Among the first staff, we have the mayor's direct leaders and advisors' perception that express the politcal administrative aspects of the reform and, in the second, the perception of the political view of what has changed concerning the management of the social politics