Turkish-American relations in the post-Cold War era, 1990-2005

This study examines the contours of Turkish-American foreign relations in the post-Cold War era from 1990 to 2005. While providing an interpretive analysis, the study highlights elements of continuity and change and of convergence and divergence in the relationship between Ankara and Washington. Turkey’s encounter with its Kurdish problem at home intertwined with the emergence of an autonomous Kurdish authority in northern Iraq after the Gulf War that left a political vacuum in the region. The main argument of this dissertation is that the Kurdish question has been the central element in shaping and redefining the nature and scope of Turkish-American relations since 1991. This study finds that systemic factors primarily prevail in the early years of the post-Cold War Turkish-American relations, as had been the case during the Cold War era. However, the Turkish parliament’s rejection of the deployment of the U.S. troops in Turkey for the invasion of Iraq in 2003 could not be explained by the primacy of distribution of capabilities in the system. Instead, the role of identity, ideology, norms, and the socialization of agency through interaction and language must be considered. The Justice and Development Party’s ascension to power in 2002 magnified a wider transformation in domestic and foreign politics and reflected changes in Turkey’s own self-perception and the definition of its core interests towards the United States.

Meillä ei ole ikuisia ystäviä eikä ikuisia vihollisia. Ikuisia ovat meidän omat etumme. : Suomen suhteet Kiinan kansantasavaltaan 1949 - 1989

"We have neither Eternal Friends nor Eternal Enemies. We have only Eternal Interests .Finland's Relations with China 1949-1989 The study focuses on the relations between Finland and the People s Republic of China from 1949-1989 and examines how a small country became embroiled in international politics, and how, at the same time, international politics affected Finnish-Chinese relations and Finland s China policy formulation. The study can be divided into three sections: relations during the early years, 1949-1960, before the Chinese and Soviet rift became public; the relations during the passive period during the 1960s and 1970s; and the impact of China s Open Door policy on Finland s China policy from 1978-1989. The diplomatically challenging events around Tiananmen Square and the reactions which followed in Finland bring the study to a close. Finland was among the first Western countries to recognise the People s Republic and to establish diplomatic relations with her, thereby giving Finland an excellent position from which to further develop good relations. Finland was also the first Western country to sign a trade agreement with China. These two factors meant that Finland was able to enjoy a special status with China during the 1950s. The special status was further strengthened by the systematic support of the government of Finland for China's UN membership. The solid reputation earned in the 1950s had to carry Finland all the way through to the 1980s. For the two decades in between, during the passive policy period of the 1960s and 1970s, relations between Finland and the Soviet Union also determined the state of foreign relations with China. Interestingly, however, it appeared that President Urho Kekkonen was encouraged by Ambassador Joel Toivola to envisage a more proactive policy towards China, but the Cultural Revolution cut short any such plan for nearly twenty years. Because of the Soviet Union, Finland held on to her passive China policy, even though no such message was ever received from the Soviet Union. In fact, closer relationships between Finland and China were encouraged through diplomatic channels. It was not until the presidency of Mauno Koivisto that the first high-level ministerial visit was made to China when, in 1984, Foreign Minister Paavo Väyrynen visited the People s Republic. Finnish-Chinese relations were lifted to a new level. Foreign Minister Väyrynen, however, was forced to remove the prejudices of the Chinese. In 1985, when the Speaker of the Finnish Parliament, Erkki Pystynen visited China he also discovered that Finland s passive China policy had caused misunderstandings amongst the Chinese politicians. The number of exchanges escalated in the wake of the ground-breaking visit by Foreign Minister Väyrynen: Prime Minister Kalevi Sorsa visited China in 1986 and President Koivisto did so in 1988. President Koivisto stuck to practical, China-friendly policies: his correspondence with Li Peng, the attitude taken by the Finnish government after the Tiananmen Square events and the subsequent choices made by his administration all pointed to a new era in relations with China.

Kirkko, Kekkonen ja kommunismi poliittisina kriisivuosina 1958-1962

This study explores the relationship of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland to communism and political power during the period of crises in Finnish foreign relations with the Soviet Union from 1958 to 1962. During this period the USSR repeatedly interfered in Finland´s domestic affairs and limited her foreign political freedom of action. The research subjects for this dissertation are the bishops of the Church of Finland and the newspaper Kotimaa, which can be regarded as the unofficial organ of the church at the time. A typical characteristic of the Church of Finland from the beginning of the twentieth century was patriotism. During the interwar years the church was strongly anti-communist and against the Soviet Union. This tendency was also evident during the Second World War. After the war the Finnish Church feared that the rise of the extreme left would jeopardize its position. The church, however, succeeded in maintaining its status as a state church throughout the critical years immediately following the war. This study indicates that, although the manner of expression altered, the political attitude of the church did not substantially change during the postwar period. In the late 1950s and early 1960s the church was still patriotic and fear of the extreme left was also evident among the leaders of the church. The victory of the Finnish People's Democratic League in the general election of 1958 was an unwelcome surprise to the church. This generated fear in the church that, with Soviet support, the Finnish communists might return to governmental power and the nation could become a people's democracy. Accordingly, the church tried to encourage other parties to set aside their disagreements and act together against the extreme left throughout the period under study. The main characteristics of the church´s political agenda during this period of crisis were to support the Finnish foreign policy led by the president of the republic, Urho Kekkonen, and to resist Finnish communism. The attitude of Finnish bishops and the newspaper Kotimaa to the Cold War in general was generally in agreement with the majority of western Christians. They feared communism, were afraid of the USSR, but supported peaceful co-existence because they did not want an open conflict with the Soviets. Because of uncertainties in Finland's international position the Finnish Church regarded it as necessary to support the Finnish policy of friendship towards the USSR. The Finnish Church considerer it unwise to openly criticize the Soviet Union, tried resist the spread of communism in Finnish domestic policy. This period of foreign policy crises was principally seen by the church as a time when there was a need to strengthen Finland's unstable national position.

Brasil e Argentina sob Lula e Kirchner(s): percepções de políticas externas e efeito sobre o Mercosul (20032010)

Brasil e Argentina nutriram ao longo de décadas sentimento de rivalidade. Aos poucos, tal sentimento foi substituído pela cooperação e consequentemente integração entre os mesmos. A aproximação entre os países culminou na formulação do Mercado Comum do Sul, um dos blocos mais importantes da região sul-americana. Porém, ao longo da década de 1990, a organização passou por momentos de crises, bem como as próprias economias nacionais. Isto provocou a possibilidade de haver retrocesso ou até mesmo a dissolução do bloco que, em períodos anteriores, já tinha proporcionado aumento de fluxo de comércio e de confiança entre seus dois membros maiores. No entanto, a partir de 2003, novos governantes que assumiram o cargo de presidente no Brasil e na Argentina propiciaram uma mudança naquele contexto. Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, presidente do Brasil, e Néstor Kirchner, presidente da Argentina, subiram ao poder com ideias e objetivos muito semelhantes para a integração regional. Também, havia grande preocupação com o outro em termos de política externa, considerado como forte parceiro em termos políticos, estratégicos e econômicos. A partir da aplicação de literaturas que colocavam o Estado como figura central na elaboração de política externa e de mudanças na mesma, assim como daquelas que estudam o período de 2003 a 2010, avalia-se Brasil e Argentina. O segundo mandato de Lula e o mandato de Cristina Fernández de Kirchner também são estudados, porque são considerados governos de continuidade aos anteriores. A partir desta reaproximação de Brasil e Argentina, enquanto Estados, pode-se perceber uma mudança na reconfiguração do Mercosul. Há maior interesse político para que o bloco seguisse por caminhos que não o meramente comercial. Desde então, há maior quantidade de iniciativas dentro do bloco, e maior disponibilidade e confiança por parte dos governos.

O Universo da música na Política Externa Brasileira

Esta pesquisa tem como base da ideia de que a música popular brasileira, desde a proclamação da república, sempre foi um importante instrumento da diplomacia cultural do país. Nesse sentido, tentamos demonstrar as maneiras pelas quais o governo brasileiro tentou difundir externamente essa expressão cultural, as motivações que permearam essas iniciativas e os seus resultados. Por outro lado, tentamos, também, analisar os processos que levaram a formação, desenvolvimento e consolidação da indústria da internacional da música, como forma de entender os constrangimento e desafios impostos a tal política cultural externa brasileira. Nessa pesquisa, foi dada, ainda, um especial destaque aos governos de Lula da Silva, um período identificado como decisivo nos rumos da política cultural do país, em função de sua ampliação ao estímulo da produção e da difusão, interna e externa, da música brasileira. A mudança se deu na ampliação das ações culturais do Ministério das Relações Exteriores, mas, principalmente, do inédito protagonismo do Ministério da Cultura junto ao Itamaraty. Nesse sentido, o objetivo geral desta dissertação é analisar até que ponto a música brasileira tem uma capacidade real de se internacionalizar e, dessa forma - dentro das discussões atuais acerca do papel que a economia da cultura teria para o desenvolvimento nacional -, se converter num vetor do desenvolvimento brasileiro e da ampliação da influência do país no sistema internacional.

As estratégias de política externa na construção do Brasil emergente: uma análise do período de Lula da Silva, 2003-2010

O presente trabalho de investigação estuda a estratégia de política externa brasileira enquanto causa para a emergência internacional do Brasil. Pretendemos compreender em que medida as opções de política externa determinaram a emergência internacional do Brasil durante o período dos Governos de Lula da Silva (2003-2006 e 2007-2010). A emergência internacional é aqui entendida enquanto uma atitude de aumento do protagonismo internacional do país e da influência das decisões e do desenho do sistema internacional. Ao mesmo tempo tentou verificar-se se essa emergência ocorreu em simultâneo com a ascensão do Brasil a um novo estatuto na hierarquia dos Estados no sistema internacional, tendo em conta o seu objectivo de contribuir para uma ordem multipolar. A nossa investigação, sustentada pelas abordagens Realista Neoclássica e Construtivista, partiu da premissa de que as estratégias de política externa do Brasil têm sido marcados por uma tendência para projectar a influência internacional do Brasil, e que, com Lula da Silva, a recuperação de uma política externa assertiva e pragmática contribuiu para o sucesso dessas tentativas. Por conseguinte, a capacidade do Brasil em criar condições de estabilidade interna (redução da pobreza e crescimento económico) e regional terão estado também na base da sua projecção internacional. Simultaneamente, a reorganização do sistema internacional a par da rentabilização das oportunidades, e uma nova postura na formulação da política externa pelos actores responsáveis, formam o puzzle que permitiu dar continuidade e consolidar, durante os dois mandatos de Lula, ao percurso de ascensão do Brasil no sistema internacional. A investigação permitiu-nos retirar quatro conclusões essenciais: i) é indiscutível o peso da variável actores na emergência internacional do Brasil enquanto resultado de política externa; ii) a região não foi determinante na emergência internacional do país, mas influenciou, indirectamente, essa aspiração ao permitir que o Brasil se projectasse como um interlocutor válido e como uma Potência Regional; iii) a estratégia desenvolvida com as Grandes Potências não determinou a emergência internacional do Brasil e iv) as dimensões Sul-Sul e Multilateral da estratégia externa do Brasil tiveram um efeito directo na emergência internacional do país ao tornarem possível a actuação autónoma e independente do país. Em síntese, o revisionismo que caracterizou a política externa do Brasil não foi feito por confrontação com os Estados Unidos (ou com a União Europeia), pelo contrário, com ambos os actores se manteve uma relação assertiva. Foi ainda possível verificar a existência não apenas de uma política externa assertiva, mas também reactiva e personalizada, o que pode ser característico dos Estados que estão no «meio», os quais serão provavelmente menos imunes às características dos contextos e dos actores, do que os que estão no topo da hierarquia.

Important state papers : declaration of war, Washington, June 18, 4 o'clock, P.M.

Message to the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States / James Madison -- Report : the Committee on Foreign relations, to whom was referred the message of the President of the United States of the 1st of June, 1812 -- An Act, declaring war between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and the dependencies thereof, and the United States of America and their territories -- Address of the Senate to the people of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

Message from the President of the United States, transmitting documents relative to the commencement and progress of any acts or system of retaliation upon prisoners of war, by the Governments of Great Britain and the United States. --

13th Congress, 3d session. House. Doc. no. 13.

Message from the President of the United States, transmitting communications from the plenipotentiaries of the United States charged with negotiating peace with Great Britain : showing the conditions on which alone that government is willing to put an end to the war. --

13th Congress, 3d session. House. Doc. 6.

Message from the President of the United States, transmitting copies of the instructions given to the ministers of the United States appointed to negotiate a peace with Great Britain. --

13th Congress, 3d session. House. Doc. no. 8.

Important state papers : declaration of war, Washington, June 18, 4 o'clock, P.M

Message to the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States / James Madison -- Report : the Committee on Foreign relations, to whom was referred the message of the President of the United States of the 1st of June, 1812 -- An Act, declaring war between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and the dependencies thereof, and the United States of America and their territories -- Address of the Senate to the people of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

Message from the President of the United States, transmitting communications from the plenipotentiaries of the United States charged with negotiating peace with Great Britain

Full Title: Message from the President of the United States, transmitting communications from the plenipotentiaries of the United States charged with negotiating peace with Great Britain : showing the conditions on which alone that government is willing to put an end to the war 13th Congress, 3d session. House. Doc. 6. October 10, 1814. Referred to the Committee of Foreign Relations. Printed by Roger C. Weightman

Message from the President of the United States, transmitting copies of a convention concluded at St. Petersburg, the 12th day of July, 1822

Full Title: Message from the President of the United States, transmitting copies of a convention concluded at St. Petersburg, the 12th day of July, 1822, under the mediation of the Emperor of all the Russias, between the United States of America and His Britannic Majesty. United States. 18th Congress, 1st session, 1823-1824. House. Doc. no. 30. January 25, 1823. Read and referred to the Committee on Ways and Means. Printed by Gales and Seaton

Message from the President of the United States, transmitting copies of the instructions given to the ministers of the United States appointed to negotiate a peace with Great Britain

13th Congress, 3d session. House. Doc. no. 8. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- October 14, 1814. Read and referred to the Committee of Foreign Relations. Printed by Roger C. Weightman

Message from the President of the United States, transmitting documents relative to the commencement and progress of any acts or system of retaliation upon prisoners of war, by the Governments of Great Britain and the United States

13th Congress, 3d session. House. Doc. no. 13. October 28, 1814. Read, referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations. Printed by A. and G. Way