Commercial relations with China.

Mode of access: Internet.

United States security agreements and commitments abroad : hearings, Ninety-first Congress, first [and second] session[s].

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Government relations, government regulations: jumping through the hoops

Over the last decade, telehealth in Australia has been primarily facilitated and driven by government funding. The government now has a major policy initiative in online health. However, in pursuing the broad initiative there is a danger that some of the smaller components can get lost, and this is probably what has happened to telehealth. There appear to be a number of steps required if telehealth in Australia is to keep up the pace of development that occurred in the 1990s, as we move into what is now being called the era of e-health, involving broadband Internet health service delivery. This area is changing extremely rapidly and is increasingly migrating away from the public sector in Australia, where most of the developmental work has occurred, and into the private sector. Many of the issues that require consideration within the domain of e-health in Australia are also relevant to other countries. E-health will significantly change the way that health-care is practised in future, and it is clear that it is the human factors that are more difficult to overcome, rather than the technological ones.

Turkish-American relations in the post-Cold War era, 1990-2005

This study examines the contours of Turkish-American foreign relations in the post-Cold War era from 1990 to 2005. While providing an interpretive analysis, the study highlights elements of continuity and change and of convergence and divergence in the relationship between Ankara and Washington. Turkey’s encounter with its Kurdish problem at home intertwined with the emergence of an autonomous Kurdish authority in northern Iraq after the Gulf War that left a political vacuum in the region. The main argument of this dissertation is that the Kurdish question has been the central element in shaping and redefining the nature and scope of Turkish-American relations since 1991. This study finds that systemic factors primarily prevail in the early years of the post-Cold War Turkish-American relations, as had been the case during the Cold War era. However, the Turkish parliament’s rejection of the deployment of the U.S. troops in Turkey for the invasion of Iraq in 2003 could not be explained by the primacy of distribution of capabilities in the system. Instead, the role of identity, ideology, norms, and the socialization of agency through interaction and language must be considered. The Justice and Development Party’s ascension to power in 2002 magnified a wider transformation in domestic and foreign politics and reflected changes in Turkey’s own self-perception and the definition of its core interests towards the United States.

El rol de los actores subnacionales en la construcción de la política exterior de Japón. Estudio de caso: La disputa territorial por las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu entre Japón y China (2001-2014)

El presente estudio de caso tiene como objetivo analizar la influencia de la gobernación de Tokio en la formulación de la política exterior de Japón durante la disputa territorial por las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu. Para ello, se identifican los puntos más relevantes de la política exterior de seguridad de Japón después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Se hace un énfasis en la política bilateral de seguridad sino-japonesa, con el fin de ubicar el conflicto territorial por las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu como un punto importante en la agenda internacional de seguridad de ambos países. Se estudia y analiza el concepto de paradiplomacia; articulado, a su vez, por los conceptos de identidad y rol en política exterior de la perspectiva teórica del Constructivismo de las Relaciones Internacionales, para así analizar la influencia de Tokio en el manejo de la política exterior de Japón en el marco del conflicto territorial por las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu.

Air evacuation in war : the role of RAAF nurses undertaking air evacuation of casualties between 1943-1953

Air transportation of Australian casualties in World War II was initially carried out in air ambulances with an accompanying male medical orderly. By late 1943 with the war effort concentrated in the Pacific, Allied military authorities realised that air transport was needed to move the increasing numbers of casualties over longer distances. The Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF) became responsible for air evacuation of Australian casualties and established a formal medical air evacuation system with trained flight teams early in 1944. Specialised Medical Air Evacuation Transport Units (MAETUs) were established whose sole responsibility was undertaking air evacuations of Australian casualties from the forward operational areas back to definitive medical care. Flight teams consisting of a RAAF nursing sister (registered nurse) and a medical orderly carried out the escort duties. These personnel had been specially trained in Australia for their role. Post-WWII, the RAAF Nursing Service was demobilised with a limited number of nurses being retained for the Interim Air Force. Subsequently, those nurses were offered commissions in the Permanent Air Force. Some of the nurses who remained were air evacuation trained and carried out air evacuations both in Australia and as part of the British Commonwealth Occupation Force in Japan. With the outbreak of the Korean War in June 1950, Australia became responsible for the air evacuation of British Commonwealth casualties from Korea to Japan. With a re-organisation of the Australian forces as part of the British Commonwealth forces, RAAF nurses were posted to undertake air evacuation from Korea and back to Australia from Iwakuni, Japan. By 1952, a specialised casualty staging section was established in Seoul and staffed by RAAF nurses from Iwakuni on a rotation basis. The development of the Australian air evacuation system and the role of the flight nurses are not well documented for the period 1943-1953. The aims of this research are three fold and include documenting the origins and development of the air evacuation system from 1943-1953; analysing and documenting the RAAF nurse’s role and exploring whether any influences or lessons remain valid today. A traditional historical methodology of narrative and then analysis was used to inform the flight nurse’s role within the totality of the social system. Evidence was based on primary data sources mainly held in Defence files, the Australian War Memorial or the National Archives of Australia. Interviews with 12 ex-RAAF nurses from both WWII and the Korean War were conducted to provide information where there were gaps in the primary data and to enable exploration of the flight nurses’ role and their contributions in war of the air evacuation of casualties. Finally, this thesis highlights two lessons that remain valid today. The first is that interoperability of air evacuation systems with other nations is a force multiplier when resources are scarce or limited. Second, the pre-flight assessment of patients was essential and ensured that there were no deaths in-flight.

Meillä ei ole ikuisia ystäviä eikä ikuisia vihollisia. Ikuisia ovat meidän omat etumme. : Suomen suhteet Kiinan kansantasavaltaan 1949 - 1989

"We have neither Eternal Friends nor Eternal Enemies. We have only Eternal Interests .Finland's Relations with China 1949-1989 The study focuses on the relations between Finland and the People s Republic of China from 1949-1989 and examines how a small country became embroiled in international politics, and how, at the same time, international politics affected Finnish-Chinese relations and Finland s China policy formulation. The study can be divided into three sections: relations during the early years, 1949-1960, before the Chinese and Soviet rift became public; the relations during the passive period during the 1960s and 1970s; and the impact of China s Open Door policy on Finland s China policy from 1978-1989. The diplomatically challenging events around Tiananmen Square and the reactions which followed in Finland bring the study to a close. Finland was among the first Western countries to recognise the People s Republic and to establish diplomatic relations with her, thereby giving Finland an excellent position from which to further develop good relations. Finland was also the first Western country to sign a trade agreement with China. These two factors meant that Finland was able to enjoy a special status with China during the 1950s. The special status was further strengthened by the systematic support of the government of Finland for China's UN membership. The solid reputation earned in the 1950s had to carry Finland all the way through to the 1980s. For the two decades in between, during the passive policy period of the 1960s and 1970s, relations between Finland and the Soviet Union also determined the state of foreign relations with China. Interestingly, however, it appeared that President Urho Kekkonen was encouraged by Ambassador Joel Toivola to envisage a more proactive policy towards China, but the Cultural Revolution cut short any such plan for nearly twenty years. Because of the Soviet Union, Finland held on to her passive China policy, even though no such message was ever received from the Soviet Union. In fact, closer relationships between Finland and China were encouraged through diplomatic channels. It was not until the presidency of Mauno Koivisto that the first high-level ministerial visit was made to China when, in 1984, Foreign Minister Paavo Väyrynen visited the People s Republic. Finnish-Chinese relations were lifted to a new level. Foreign Minister Väyrynen, however, was forced to remove the prejudices of the Chinese. In 1985, when the Speaker of the Finnish Parliament, Erkki Pystynen visited China he also discovered that Finland s passive China policy had caused misunderstandings amongst the Chinese politicians. The number of exchanges escalated in the wake of the ground-breaking visit by Foreign Minister Väyrynen: Prime Minister Kalevi Sorsa visited China in 1986 and President Koivisto did so in 1988. President Koivisto stuck to practical, China-friendly policies: his correspondence with Li Peng, the attitude taken by the Finnish government after the Tiananmen Square events and the subsequent choices made by his administration all pointed to a new era in relations with China.

Introducing a new limit states design concept to railway concrete sleepers: An Australian experience

Over 50 years, a large number of research and development projects with respect to the use of cementitious and concrete materials for manufacturing railway sleepers have been significantly progressed in Australia, Europe, and Japan (Wang, 1996; Murray and Cai, 1998; Wakui and Okuda, 1999; Esveld, 2001; Freudenstein and Haban, 2006; Remennikov and Kaewunruen, 2008). Traditional sleeper materials are timber, steel, and concrete. Cost-efficiency, superior durability, and improved track stability are the main factors toward significant adoption of concrete materials for railway sleepers. The sleepers in a track system, as shown in Figure 1, are subjected to harsh and aggressive external forces and natural environments across a distance. Many systemic problems and technical issues associated with concrete sleepers have been tackled over decades. These include pre-mature failures of sleepers, concrete cancer or ettringite, abrasion of railseats and soffits, impact damages by rail machinery, bond-slip damage, longitudinal and lateral instability of track system, dimensional instability of sleepers, nuisance noise and vibration, and so on (Pfeil, 1997; Gustavson, 2002; Kaewunruen and Remennikov, 2008a,b, 2013). These issues are, however, becoming an emerging risk for many countries (in North and South Americas, Asia, and the Middle East) that have recently installed large volumes of concrete sleepers in their railway networks (Federal Railroad Administration, 2013). As a result, it is vital to researchers and practitioners to critically review and learn from previous experience and lessons around the world.

Kirkko, Kekkonen ja kommunismi poliittisina kriisivuosina 1958-1962

This study explores the relationship of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland to communism and political power during the period of crises in Finnish foreign relations with the Soviet Union from 1958 to 1962. During this period the USSR repeatedly interfered in Finland´s domestic affairs and limited her foreign political freedom of action. The research subjects for this dissertation are the bishops of the Church of Finland and the newspaper Kotimaa, which can be regarded as the unofficial organ of the church at the time. A typical characteristic of the Church of Finland from the beginning of the twentieth century was patriotism. During the interwar years the church was strongly anti-communist and against the Soviet Union. This tendency was also evident during the Second World War. After the war the Finnish Church feared that the rise of the extreme left would jeopardize its position. The church, however, succeeded in maintaining its status as a state church throughout the critical years immediately following the war. This study indicates that, although the manner of expression altered, the political attitude of the church did not substantially change during the postwar period. In the late 1950s and early 1960s the church was still patriotic and fear of the extreme left was also evident among the leaders of the church. The victory of the Finnish People's Democratic League in the general election of 1958 was an unwelcome surprise to the church. This generated fear in the church that, with Soviet support, the Finnish communists might return to governmental power and the nation could become a people's democracy. Accordingly, the church tried to encourage other parties to set aside their disagreements and act together against the extreme left throughout the period under study. The main characteristics of the church´s political agenda during this period of crisis were to support the Finnish foreign policy led by the president of the republic, Urho Kekkonen, and to resist Finnish communism. The attitude of Finnish bishops and the newspaper Kotimaa to the Cold War in general was generally in agreement with the majority of western Christians. They feared communism, were afraid of the USSR, but supported peaceful co-existence because they did not want an open conflict with the Soviets. Because of uncertainties in Finland's international position the Finnish Church regarded it as necessary to support the Finnish policy of friendship towards the USSR. The Finnish Church considerer it unwise to openly criticize the Soviet Union, tried resist the spread of communism in Finnish domestic policy. This period of foreign policy crises was principally seen by the church as a time when there was a need to strengthen Finland's unstable national position.

Genome sequencing unveils a novel sea enterotoxin-carrying PVL phage in staphylococcus aureus ST772 from India

Staphylococcus aureus is a major human pathogen, first recognized as a leading cause of hospital-acquired infections. Community-associated S. aureus (CA-SA) pose a greater threat due to increase in severity of infection and disease among children and healthy adults. CA-SA strains in India are genetically diverse, among which is the sequence type (ST) 772, which has now spread to Australia, Europe and Japan. Towards understanding the genetic characteristics of ST772, we obtained draft genome sequences of five relevant clinical isolates and studied the properties of their PVL-carrying prophages, whose presence is a defining hallmark of CA-SA. We show that this is a novel prophage, which carries the structural genes of the hlb-carrying prophage and includes the sea enterotoxin. This architecture probably emerged early within the ST772 lineage, at least in India. The sea gene, unique to ST772 PVL, despite having promoter sequence characteristics typical of low expression, appears to be highly expressed during early phase of growth in laboratory conditions. We speculate that this might be a consequence of its novel sequence context. The crippled nature of the hlb-converting prophage in ST772. suggests that widespread mobility of the sea enterotoxin might be a selective force behind its `transfer' to the PVL prophage. Wild type ST772 strains induced strong proliferative responses as well as high cytotoxic activity against neutrophils, likely mediated by superantigen SEA and the PVL toxin respectively. Both proliferation and cytotoxicity were markedly reduced in a cured ST772 strain indicating the impact of the phage on virulence. The presence of SEA alongside he genes for the immune system-modulating PVL toxin may contribute to the success and virulence of ST772.

Abordagem informacional da política externa brasileira : a participação da CREDN (1995-2011)

O estudo a ser apresentado tem como objetivo analisar a influência dos deputados federais na política externa brasileira, mais especificamente dos deputados da Comissão de Relação Exteriores e Defesa Nacional. A idéia não é criar um novo paradigma de inserção, mas levantar pistas sobre diferentes formas de participação que o legislativo pode ter na condução dessa política no país. Contrariamos as análises que atribuem ao legislativo pouca participação ao processo decisório e focalizam a atuação na aprovação (ou não), dos acordos internacionais enviados pelo Executivo. Nesse sentido, procuramos ir além dessa abordagem tradicional abrindo o leque para outras formas de participação dos deputados federais na política externa brasileira. A politização da política externa e o papel mais ativo da Comissão de Relações Exteriores e Defesa Nacional (CREDN) têm levado a uma maior atuação do legislativo nessas questões. Principalmente a partir da maior atenção da oposição para as questões de política externa. A política externa foi considerada a política pública mais insulada do debate político-partidário. Mas, agora, os legisladores têm participado e se interessado cada vez mais por estas questões. O Congresso tem utilizado mais seus instrumentos institucionais de fiscalização para monitorar a condução da política externa. Assim, foi analisado o papel da CREDN como mecanismo de aquisição de informação, com o intuito de informar o legislador mediano em termos de política externa. O estudo parte do modelo informacional para encontrar respostas sobre o incentivo que os legisladores teriam em coletar informações (custosas) sobre política externa. Desse modo, procura-se analisar o incentivo dos legisladores em ativar tal política no plenário (Santos e Almeida, 2009; Martin, 2000). De forma cada vez mais extensiva e fiscalizadora, acrescentando informações às políticas formuladas pelo Executivo (Almeida & Santos, 2008)

Tudo nos une, nada nos separa, exceto o futebol: um olhar sobre as relações exteriores entre Brasil e Argentina (1978-2002)

O futebol é um esporte que possui diversas dimensões e que pode ter várias utilidades, usos e implicações tanto na vida dos seres humanos quanto nas relações entre os Estados. Ele pode servir à objetivos políticos de um Estado, pode agir como um veículo de propagação de ideias e valores, pode servir como uma ferramenta de propaganda e prestígio internacionais, pode constituir um instrumento para ganhos econômicos, entre muitas outras utilizações possíveis. No caso do Brasil, o futebol também constitui um elemento importante da identidade nacional e também, por vezes, influi na percepção que os brasileiros têm de seus vizinhos argentinos. A imagem que o Brasil tem da Argentina é de um país soberbo, arrogante e não confiável, todos estereótipos que são constantemente veiculados pelas mídias brasileiras desde muitas décadas atrás. Partindo dessas premissas, a presente dissertação tem como objetivo analisar as percepções sobre a Argentina veiculadas na mídia esportiva brasileira, buscando correlacioná-las com as relações exteriores entre Brasil e Argentina. Dessa forma, se buscará averiguar se as mudanças no relacionamento bilateral entre estes, acompanha uma mudança também nas caracterizações e percepções da seleção argentina e de seu país. Para tanto, foram escolhidos quatro períodos que representam momentos-chave da relação bilateral entre esses dois países: as Copas Mundiais de Futebol de 1978, 1982, 1986 e 2002. Cada um desses períodos escolhidos possui um contexto diferente, de maior amizade ou rivalidade entre esses países vizinhos, propiciando uma análise da relação entre as percepções veiculadas na mídia esportiva e a relações exteriores entre Brasil e Argentina em diferentes contextos temporais e políticos.