Vídeo-ativismo em rede: um estudo sobre os protestos brasileiros de 2013 registrados no documentário 20 centavos

Pós-graduação em Televisão Digital: Informação e Conhecimento - FAAC

Interview W.T. "Dub" Massey

In his April 27th, 1981 interview with Phil O’Quinn, W.T. Massey recollects his involvement in the Civil Rights Movement as one of the Friendship 9 protestors and non-violent activists. Massey retells the preparation and events leading up to the sit-in at McCrory’s lunch counter. Massey also shares the negative effects he experienced with his involvement as an activist and leader in the Civil Rights Movement, in particular, his arrest from the McCrory’s sit-in. Massey concludes his interview with advice and hope for the black community. This interview was conducted for inclusion into the Louise Pettus Archives and Special Collections Oral History Program.

Materno-infantilism, feminism and maternal health policy in Brazil

In the last days of 2011, President of Brazil Dilma Rousseff issued a provisional measure (or draft law) entitled "National Surveillance and Monitoring Registration System for the Prevention of Maternal Mortality" (MP 557), as part of a new maternal health programme. It was supposed to address the pressing issue of maternal morbidity and mortality in Brazil, but instead it caused an explosive controversy because it used terms such as nascituro (unborn child) and proposed the compulsory registration of every pregnancy. After intense protests by feminist and human rights groups that this law was unconstitutional, violated women's right to privacy and threatened our already limited reproductive rights, the measure was revised in January 2012, omitting "the unborn child" but not the mandatory registration of pregnancy. Unfortunately, neither version of the draft law addresses the two main problems with maternal health in Brazil: the over-medicalisation of childbirth and its adverse effects, and the need for safe, legal abortion. The content of this measure itself reflects the conflictive nature of public policies on reproductive health in Brazil and how they are shaped by close links between different levels of government and political parties, and religious and professional sectors. (C) 2012 Reproductive Health Matters

Arquitetura brutalista e estratégia de transportes no triângulo mineiro: estações ferroviárias da Mogiana e Terminal Rodoviário Presidente Castelo Branco

Em 1989, Brandão descrevia o Triângulo Mineiro como “fruto da ambiguidade de seu estigma de fazer parte de Minas, mas ser articulada economicamente a São Paulo.” A mesorregião do Triângulo Mineiro e Alto Paranaíba, faz fronteira com os estados de Goiás, São Paulo e Mato Grosso do Sul, interligando também com a Central Mineira e com o Oeste de Minas, sendo a característica de “rota de passagem” como principal fator do desenvolvimento de sua economia. O posicionamento estratégico da região, como eixo de ligação da capital paulista ao chamado Brasil Central, pode ser considerado um importante fator no estreitamento dos laços entre a região e São Paulo, somado ao sentimento de não pertencimento do Triângulo ao estado de Minas Gerais, o qual resultou por décadas em manifestações separatistas na região. A arquitetura moderna produzida no Triângulo Mineiro e Alto Paranaíba deu um salto significativo no momento de construção da nova capital federal, em finais da década de 1950, onde o papel de mediação, principalmente da cidade de Uberlândia, no processo de infra-estruturação da nova cidade foi determinante nos avanços construtivos do Triângulo. Esse momento coincidiu com o início do processo de verticalização das principais cidades da região e o aumento de arquitetos residentes nas cidades. Por meio, em especial, dos edifícios para as estações ferroviárias da Cia Mogiana, de Oswaldo Arthur Bratke em Uberaba e Uberlândia (déc. 1960) e do Terminal Rodoviário Presidente Castelo Branco em Uberlândia, dos arquitetos Fernando Graça, Flávio Almada e Ivan Curpertino (1970), este trabalho objetiva conduzir uma discussão acerca da produção de arquitetura moderna no Triângulo Mineiro ligada às estratégias de transportes intermunicipais como própria cultura de desenvolvimento econômico da região. Nos interessa valer do debate entre o uso da estética brutalista, e da própria escolha por uma arquitetura moderna, como artifício no plano de desenvolvimento das empresas de transporte, e dos governos locais. Sobretudo, discutir as interlocuções do Triângulo Mineiro com São Paulo, rebatendo-as na formação do conjunto arquitetonico moderno produzido na região. Este trabalho é fruto da pesquisa de mestrado da autora cujo tema central é a difusão da arquitetura moderna no Triângulo Mineiro e Alto Paranaíba, pelo Iau/Usp, e financiado pela Capes.

La Pace Calda. La nascita del movimento antinucleare negli Stati Uniti e in Gran Bretagna, 1957-1963

The aim of this proposal is to offer an alternative perspective on the study of Cold War, since insufficient attention is usually paid to those organizations that mobilized against the development and proliferation of nuclear weapons. The antinuclear movement began to mobilize between the 1950s and the 1960s, when it finally gained the attention of public opinion, and helped to build a sort of global conscience about nuclear bombs. This was due to the activism of a significant part of the international scientific community, which offered powerful intellectual and political legitimization to the struggle, and to the combined actions of the scientific and organized protests. This antinuclear conscience is something we usually tend to consider as a fait accompli in contemporary world, but the question is to show its roots, and the way it influenced statesmen and political choices during the period of nuclear confrontation of the early Cold War. To understand what this conscience could be and how it should be defined, we have to look at the very meaning of the nuclear weapons that has deeply modified the sense of war. Nuclear weapons seemed to be able to destroy human beings everywhere with no realistic forms of control of the damages they could set off, and they represented the last resource in the wide range of means of mass destruction. Even if we tend to consider this idea fully rational and incontrovertible, it was not immediately born with the birth of nuclear weapons themselves. Or, better, not everyone in the world did immediately share it. Due to the particular climate of Cold War confrontation, deeply influenced by the persistence of realistic paradigms in international relations, British and U.S. governments looked at nuclear weapons simply as «a bullet». From the Trinity Test to the signature of the Limited Test Ban Treaty in 1963, many things happened that helped to shift this view upon nuclear weapons. First of all, more than ten years of scientific protests provided a more concerned knowledge about consequences of nuclear tests and about the use of nuclear weapons. Many scientists devoted their social activities to inform public opinion and policy-makers about the real significance of the power of the atom and the related danger for human beings. Secondly, some public figures, as physicists, philosophers, biologists, chemists, and so on, appealed directly to the human community to «leave the folly and face reality», publicly sponsoring the antinuclear conscience. Then, several organizations leaded by political, religious or radical individuals gave to this protests a formal structure. The Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament in Great Britain, as well as the National Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy in the U.S., represented the voice of the masses against the attempts of governments to present nuclear arsenals as a fundamental part of the international equilibrium. Therefore, the antinuclear conscience could be defined as an opposite feeling to the development and the use of nuclear weapons, able to create a political issue oriented to the influence of military and foreign policies. Only taking into consideration the strength of this pressure, it seems possible to understand not only the beginning of nuclear negotiations, but also the reasons that permitted Cold War to remain cold.

The performativity of nonviolent protest in South Asia (1918 - 1948)

This study seeks to address a gap in the study of nonviolent action. The gap relates to the question of how nonviolence is performed, as opposed to the meaning or impact of nonviolent politics. The dissertation approaches the history of nonviolent protest in South Asia through the lens of performance studies. Such a shift allows for concepts such as performativity and theatricality to be tested in terms of their applicability and relevance to contemporary political and philosophical questions. It also allows for a different perspective on the historiography of nonviolent protest. Using concepts, modes of analysis and tropes of thinking from the emerging field of performance studies, the dissertation analyses two different cases of nonviolent protest, asking how politics is performatively constituted. The first two sections of this study set out the parameters of the key terms of the dissertation: nonviolence and performativity, by tracing their genealogies and legacies as terms. These histories are then located as an intersection in the founding of the nonviolent. The case studies at the analytical core of the dissertation are: fasting as a method in Gandhi's political arsenal, and the army of nonviolent soldiers in the North-West Frontier Province, known as the Khudai Khidmatgar. The study begins with an overview of current theorisations of nonviolence. The approach to the subject is through an investigation of commonly held misconceptions about nonviolent action, such as its supposed passivity, the absence of violence, its ineffectiveness and its spiritual basis. This section addresses the lacunae within existing theories of nonviolence and points to possible fertile spaces for further exploration. Section 3 offers an overview of the different shades of the concept of performativity, asking how it is used in various contexts and how these different nuances can be viewed in relation to each other. The dissertation explores how a theory of performativity may be correlated to the theorisation of nonviolence. The correlations are established in four boundary areas: action/inaction, violence/absence of violence, the actor/opponent and the body/spirit. These boundary areas allow for a theorising of nonviolent action as a performative process. The first case study is Gandhi's use of the fast as a method of nonviolent protest. Using a close reading of his own writings, speeches and letters, as well as a reading of responses to his fast in British newspapers and within India, the dissertation asks what made fasting into Gandhi's most favoured mode of protest and political action. The study reconstructs his unique praxis of the fast from a performative perspective, demonstrating how display and ostentation are vital to the political economy of the fast. It also unveils the cultural context and historical reservoir of body practices, which Gandhi drew from and adapted into 'weapons' of political action. The relationship of Gandhian nonviolence to the body forms a crucial part of the analysis. The second case study is the nonviolent army of the Pashtuns, Khudai Khidmatgar (KK), literally Servants of God. This anti-imperialist movement in the North-West Frontier Province of what is today the border between Pakistan and Afghanistan existed between 1929 and 1948. The movement adopted the organisational form of an army. It conducted protest activities against colonial rule, as well as social reform activities for the Pashtuns. This group was connected to the Congress party of Gandhi, but the dissertation argues that their conceptualisation and praxis of nonviolence emerged from a very different tradition and worldview. Following a brief introduction to the socio-political background of this Pashtun movement, the dissertation explores the activities that this nonviolent army engaged in, looking at their unique understanding of the militancy of an unarmed force, and their mode of combat and confrontation. Of particular interest to the analysis is the way the KK re-combined and mixed what appear to be contradictory ideologies and acts. In doing so, they reframed cultural and historical stereotypes of the Pashtuns as a martial race, juxtaposing the institutional form of the army with a nonviolent praxis based on Islamic principles and social reform. The example of the Khudai Khidmatgar is used to explore the idea that nonviolence is not the opposite of violent conflict, but in fact a dialectical engagement and response to violence. Section 5, in conclusion, returns to the boundary areas of nonviolence: action, violence, the opponent and the body, and re-visits these areas on a comparative note, bringing together elements from Gandhi's fasts and the practices of the KK. The similarities and differences in the two examples are assessed and contextualised in relation to the guiding question of this study, namely the question of the performativity of nonviolent action.

Challenges of the Cooperative Movement In Addressing Issues of Human Security In the Context of a Neoliberal World: the Case of Argentina

The response of some Argentine workers to the 2001 crisis of neoliberalism gave rise to a movement of worker-recovered enterprises (empresas recuperadas por sus trabajadores or ERTs). The ERTs have emerged as former employees took over the control of generally fraudulently bankrupt factories and enterprises. The analysis of the ERT movement within the neoliberal global capitalist order will draw from William Robinson’s (2004) neo-Gramscian concept of hegemony. The theoretical framework of neo-Gramscian hegemony will be used in exposing the contradictions of capitalism on the global, national, organizational and individual scales and the effects they have on the ERT movement. The ERT movement has demonstrated strong level of resilience, despite the numerous economic, social, political and cultural challenges and limitations it faces as a consequence of the implementation of neoliberalism globally. ERTs have shown that through non-violent protests, democratic principles of management and social inclusion, it is possible to start constructing an alternative social order that is based on the cooperative principles of “honesty, openness, social responsibility and caring for others” (ICA 2007) as opposed to secrecy, exclusiveness, individualism and self-interestedness. In order to meet this “utopian” vision, it is essential to push the limits of the possible within the current social order and broaden the alliance to include the organized members of the working class, such as the members of trade unions, and the unorganized, such as the unemployed and underemployed. Though marginal in number and size, the members of ERTs have given rise to a model that is worth exploring in other countries and regions burdened by the contradictory workings of capitalism. Today, ERTs serve as living proofs that workers too are capable of successfully running businesses, not capitalists alone.

Motive Structures and Violence among Young Globalization Critics. A Statistical Typology of the Motives for Protest at the 2007 G8 Summit

The results of a questionnaire survey of 3,578 young protesters aged 15 to 24 were used to create a typology of the motive structures of the young globalization critics who participated in protests against the G8 summit in Heiligendamm in June 2007. Eight groups with different motive structures identified using cluster analysis reveal the spectrum of motives of the young demonstrators, ranging from social and political idealism to hedonistic fun-seeking and nationalist motives. Despite the diversity of motives, two cross-cluster motives can be identified: the results clearly show that the majority of respondents were motivated by political idealism and rejected violence. Two overlapping minorities were found: one where political idealism was largely lacking, and another where violence was a prominent motive.

On the Role of Copyright Protection in the Information Society

In January 2012, Poland witnessed massive protests, both in the streets and on the Internet, opposing ratification of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement, which triggered a wave of strong anti-ACTA movements across Europe. In Poland, these protests had further far-reaching consequences, as they not only changed the initial position of the government on the controversial treaty but also actually started a public debate on the role of copyright law in the information society. Moreover, as a result of these events the Polish Ministry for Administration and Digitisation launched a round table, gathering various stakeholders to negotiate a potential compromise with regard to copyright law that would satisfy conflicting interests of various actors. This contribution will focus on a description of this massive resentment towards ACTA and a discussion of its potential reasons. Furthermore, the mechanisms that led to the extraordinary influence of the anti-ACTA movement on the governmental decisions in Poland will be analysed through the application of models and theories stemming from the social sciences. The importance of procedural justice in the copyright legislation process, especially its influence on the image of copyright law and obedience of its norms, will also be emphasised.

Iowa State Daily (January 10, 2012)

ContentsFormer safety charged with assaultStudent realizes dreamIowa influences rest of raceConditions not unusual, experts sayOccupy protests reveal hardshipsStudents win $5,000 scholarshipsTebow time here to stay

Iowa State Daily (December 2, 2011)

ContentsState Gym prepares to openCyclones open NCAA at homeRomer pegs policies to solve crisisCandidate presents 'road map' for centerYoung Cyclones ready for rivalEducation should not be a profitable ventureAdvocacy group protests local shop's pet purchases

Stadt und soziale Bewegungen

Großstädte sind derzeit wieder zu Orten sozialer Bewegungen geworden. Mit Slogans wie „oben bleiben“ (Stuttgart) oder „Recht auf Stadt“ (Hamburg) artikuliert sich heute auf unterschiedliche Weise ein Protest, der auf sich verändernde urbane Realitäten Bezug nimmt und dabei eine breite mediale Resonanz findet. Gleichwohl werden oft nur bestimmte Formen der Organisation und des Protests als legitime soziale Bewegungen anerkannt. Andere werden als NIMBY, Not-in-my-backyard-Intitiativen, definiert und diskreditiert oder als Riots entpolitisiert. Es ist keineswegs ausgemacht, welche Initiativen und Bewegungen sich für ein „Recht auf Stadt“ im Sinne Lefebvres und damit für Aneignung und Umverteilung einsetzen, indem sie gegen die verbreitete stadtpolitische Konzentration auf Wettbewerb und Wachstum agieren, und welche möglicherweise gerade über ihr bürgerschaftliches Engagement ein (partizipativer) Teil einer neoliberalen Governance werden.

Direct Democracy: Protest Catalyst or Protest Alternative?

This paper presents the first investigation of whether direct democracy supplements or undermines the attendance of demonstrations as a form of protest behavior. A first approach assumes that direct democracy is associated with fewer protests, as they function as a valve that integrates voters’ opinions, preferences, and emotions into the political process. A competing hypothesis proposes a positive relationship between direct democracy and this unconventional form of political participation due to educative effects. Drawing on individual data from recent Swiss Electoral Studies, we apply multilevel analysis and estimate a hierarchical model of the effect of the presence as well as the use of direct democratic institutions on individual protest behavior. Our empirical findings suggest that the political opportunity of direct democracy is associated with a lower individual probability to attend demonstrations.

Nonviolent factors: Variables associated with ethnic violence, and factors which are associated with nonviolent response to grievances toward members of other ethnic groups

Ethnic violence appears to be the major source of violence in the world. Ethnic hostilities are potentially all-pervasive because most countries in the world are multi-ethnic. Public health's focus on violence documents its increasing role in this issue.^ The present study is based on a secondary analysis of a dataset of responses by 272 individuals from four ethnic groups (Anglo, African, Mexican, and Vietnamese Americans) who answered questions regarding variables related to ethnic violence from a general questionnaire which was distributed to ethnically diverse purposive, nonprobability, self-selected groups of individuals in Houston, Texas, in 1993.^ One goal was psychometric: learning about issues in analysis of datasets with modest numbers, comparison of two approaches to dealing with missing observations not missing at random (conducting analysis on two datasets), transformation analysis of continuous variables for logistic regression, and logistic regression diagnostics.^ Regarding the psychometric goal, it was concluded that measurement model analysis was not possible with a relatively small dataset with nonnormal variables, such as Likert-scaled variables; therefore, exploratory factor analysis was used. The two approaches to dealing with missing values resulted in comparable findings. Transformation analysis suggested that the continuous variables were in the correct scale, and diagnostics that the model fit was adequate.^ The substantive portion of the analysis included the testing of four hypotheses. Hypothesis One proposed that attitudes/efficacy regarding alternative approaches to resolving grievances from the general questionnaire represented underlying factors: nonpunitive social norms and strategies for addressing grievances--using the political system, organizing protests, using the system to punish offenders, and personal mediation. Evidence was found to support all but one factor, nonpunitive social norms.^ Hypothesis Two proposed that the factor variables and the other independent variables--jail, grievance, male, young, and membership in a particular ethnic group--were associated with (non)violence. Jail, grievance, and not using the political system to address grievances were associated with a greater likelihood of intergroup violence.^ No evidence was found to support Hypotheses Three and Four, which proposed that grievance and ethnic group membership would interact with other variables (i.e., age, gender, etc.) to produce variant levels of subgroup (non)violence.^ The generalizability of the results of this study are constrained by the purposive self-selected nature of the sample and small sample size (n = 272).^ Suggestions for future research include incorporating other possible variables or factors predictive of intergroup violence in models of the kind tested here, and the development and evaluation of interventions that promote electoral and nonelectoral political participation as means of reducing interethnic conflict. ^

Die Prekarisierungsgesellschaft. Prekäre Proteste. Politik und Ökonomie im Zeichen der Prekarisierung

Gesellschaft erscheint uns heute im flackernden Licht der Verunsicherung. Nicht erst seit der Finanzkrise erweisen sich stabil geglaubte Arbeits- und Lebensverhältnisse als prekär. Der Autor stellt die wichtigsten ökonomischen und soziologischen Theorien der Prekarisierung vor und zeigt: Prekarität hat die Gesellschaft in ihrer Gesamtheit erfasst. Wir leben in der Prekarisierungsgesellschaft. Aber was ist daraus zu schließen? Marchart beschreibt die gegenwärtigen Sozialproteste und ihre Forderungen. Er untersucht ihre demokratiepolitischen Implikationen und führt hin zu einer Gesellschaftstheorie des Konflikts und der Kontingenz.