171 resultados para geopolitics


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Studies about cooperation between Portugal, Brazil and Angola are recent and controversial, mainly when we see them from the perspective of democratic countries, Republicans and capitalists. From the middle of this decade to this current date, that triangular relationship historic brought many important issues to international geopolitics, particularly those involving the Southern Cone of America and Africa. In that play of interests, the strategicdiplomatic and cultural universities’ role, of the civil society organizations, enterprises and institutions with mixed capital is too important because they are who forged the new Angolan group leader as the nation-state need contribution of human resources, scientific, technological and cultural order to consolidate their position as a regional power in southern Africa.

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The objective of this work is to stimulate a debate about the idea of a possible foreign language policy. It seeks to do so from an overview of the structural changes of recent decades - those affecting the economy, information and communication technologies, geopolitics and identities - in order to draw attention to the renewed importance and the role that the language management issues are assuming in this new context. Considering the foreign language policy a theoretical and practical essential tool for the management of language in a globalized world, the focus of the discussion rests on four main aspects: the origins of the notion of foreign language policy; the relationship with the foreign policy of the State; its effectiveness through the intervention on corpus, status and acquisition of the language; and the possibility of their formulation by agents other than the State

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The objective of this work is to stimulate a debate about the idea of a possible foreign language policy. It seeks to do so from an overview of the structural changes of recent decades - those affecting the economy, information and communication technologies, geopolitics and identities - in order to draw attention to the renewed importance and the role that the language management issues are assuming in this new context. Considering the foreign language policy a theoretical and practical essential tool for the management of language in a globalized world, the focus of the discussion rests on four main aspects: the origins of the notion of foreign language policy; the relationship with the foreign policy of the State; its effectiveness through the intervention on corpus, status and acquisition of the language; and the possibility of their formulation by agents other than the State

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[ES] El artículo trata de las construcciones americanistas del cosmopolitismo (entendido en relación a la geopolítica imperial) en los textos de Victoria Ocampo y Alfonso Reyes de los años treinta. Al analizar su relación con los movimientos de inmigración y la subsiguiente revalorización de la nación, el artículo postula que en Alfonso Reyes la mediación cosmopolita es «des-jerarquizada», ubicada casi siempre en una «periferia», a diferencia de Victoria Ocampo cuyas visiones cosmopolitas son mediadas desde un «centro» —ya sea París o Buenos Aires— y relacionadas con una jerarquía de valores estéticos y políticos.

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L'Europe commence à découvrir le désert à la fin du XVIIIe siècle. Ce milieu présente des aspects multiples aux premiers explorateurs, qui le décrivent comme un lieu vivant et varié. La géopolitique constitue le premier approche d'analyse : le désert peut être rendu plus viable si mieux administré, donc libre de la domination ottomane. Au cours du siècle, le tourisme se développe, aussi en raison de la colonisation ; l'expérience du désert devient commune, et les voyageurs partent en quête d'une expérience spirituelle aussi bien que d'une aventure. Le désert devient un écran de projection pour la rêverie et les souvenirs des Européens (la Bible et les topos traditionnels demeurent actifs dans l'imaginaire occidental) ; seules certaines caractéristiques de ce milieu sont dès lors appréciées par les voyageurs. Ensuite, avec l'âge du Réalisme, devient objet d'appréciation de la part des peintres. Grâce à la médiation de l'art, la littérature commence à regarder au désert d'un point de vue esthétique, et elle lui reconnaît un charme de la nudité et du dépouillement. La mort et le minéral caractérisent ce milieu vers la fin du siècle ; le désert se vide, et devient le "désert de sable" que nous tous connaissons aujourd'hui.

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Dada la grave situación mundial actual, y en vistas de la geopolítica militar norteamericana, es de gran importancia para la crítica del presente revisar el pensamiento del filósofo Enrique Dussel respecto de la argumentación lockeana (John Locke), utilizada largamente para la justificación del esclavismo y del colonialismo, teniendo vigencia aún en nuestros días como base autojustificatoria de la geopolítica militar norteamericana. Realizar una crítica desde la filosofía política de liberación de Enrique Dussel es entender a la política como horizonte de realización de su ética de liberación, posicionándose desde la perspectiva de las «víctimas».

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Con el resultado de la doctrina Monroe en 1823, el conjunto de América Latina estaba situado de facto bajo el protectorado de Estados Unidos y era considerado como un patio trasero. Por otra parte, durante la primera mitad del siglo XX se encontraba menos poblada que América del Norte y las riquezas económicas generadas en sus territorios siempre fueron menores. Sin embargo las relaciones demográficas evolucionan y modifican la geopolítica de las poblaciones. En los comienzos del siglo XXI, el peso demográfico de América Latina supera al de América del Norte. Brasil, el gigante del sector, está en el quinto lugar según la clasificación demográfica de los países, mientras que México se encuentra en la undécima posición. Tres megalópolis latinoamericanas, México, Sao Paulo y Buenos Aires están dentro de las ocho primeras ciudades del mundo. A ellos se le agrega un importante crecimiento de grupos diaspóricos, luego de que América Latina se ha vuelto un continente de emigración.

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O objetivo dessa tese é aprofundar, a partir do discurso pós-colonial, uma crise na perspectiva teológica da libertação. Esta promoveu, na década de 1970, uma reviravolta nos estudos teológicos no terceiro mundo. Para tanto, leremos um conto de Gabriel García Márquez chamado “El ahogado más hermosodel mundo” (1968) analizando e avaliando as estratégias políticas e culturais ali inscritas. Para levar a frente tal avaliação é preciso ampliar o escopo de uma visão que divide o mundo em secular/religioso, ou em ideias/práticas religiosas e não religiosas, para dar passo a uma visão unificada que compreende a mundanalidade, tanto do que é catalogado como ‘religioso’ quanto do que se pretende ‘não religioso’. A teologia/ciências da religião, como discurso científico sobre a economia das trocas que lidam com visões, compreensões e práticas de mundo marcadas pelo reconhecimento do mistério que lhes é inerente, possuem um papel fundamental na compreensão, explicitação, articulação e disponibilização de tais forças culturais. A percepção de existirem elementos no conto que se relacionam com os símbolos sobre Jesus/Cristo nos ofereceu um vetor de análise; entretanto, não nos deixamos limitar pelos grilhões disciplinares que essa simbologia implica. Ao mesmo tempo, esse vínculo, compreendido desde a relação imperial/colonial inerente aos discursos e imagens sobre Jesus-Cristo, embora sem centralizar a análise, não poderia ficar intocado. Partimos para a construção de uma estrutura teórica que explicitasse os valores, gestos, e horizontes mundanos do conto, cristológicos e não-cristológicos, contribuindo assim para uma desestabilização dos quadros tradicionais a partir dos quais se concebem a teologia e as ciências da religião, a obra de García Márquez como literatura, e a geografia imperial/colonial que postula o realismo ficcional de territórios como “América Latina”. Abrimos, assim, um espaço de significação que lê o conto como uma “não-cristologia”, deslocando o aprisionamento disciplinar e classificatório dos elementos envolvidos na análise. O discurso crítico de Edward Said, Homi Bhabha e GayatriSpivak soma-se à prática teórica de teólogas críticas feministas da Ásia, da África e da América Latina para formular o cenário político emancipatório que denominaremos teologia crítica secular.

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El tratado de Teodomiro ha sido un tema crucial en la historiografía española, pero la investigación arqueológica sobre el temprano al-Andalus desarrollada en el sudeste de la península Ibérica ha aportado una nueva perspectiva. Su objetivo es analizar no sólo la geopolítica del tratado y la realidad urbana, sino también las implicaciones fiscales y agrícolas del asentamiento ğundí y la construcción de un nuevo paisaje social.

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Primeramente se describe el ŷihād, su origen coránico, la escatología asociada y el derecho musulmán asociado al mismo, para acabar explicando cómo el espíritu colectivo y estatal del ŷihād evolucionó hacia la espiritualidad individual del ribāṭ en Al-Andalus. En la segunda parte se enumeran los topónimos al-Munastīr en la península Ibérica, asociados a construcciones eclesiásticas visigodas precedentes, y se explica la geopolítica de Almonaster la Real: en la vía romana que comunicaba Sevilla y Huelva por la montaña onubense con Beja, esta vía de origen romano se usó hasta fin del s. X. La vigilancia en época omeya de este itinerario esencial de comunicación con Portugal dio origen a este “lugar de ribāṭ” que fue Almonaster, fundado sobre restos tardorromanos precedentes.

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El presente trabajo consiste en un análisis acerca de las luchas por la tierra que se han venido produciendo en la región mexicana de la Huasteca Potosina, principalmente a raíz de la puesta en marcha del proyecto Pujal-Coy en 1973, cuando ocurre una transformación espacial que provoca toda una serie de conflictos por la apropiación del territorio a manos de nuevos pobladores frente a las instancias de gobierno encargadas del reparto agrario. Este proceso aparecerá marcado por la transformación del estatus socioeconómico de un importante colectivo en el momento en el que se convierten en propietarios de tierras. La metodología desarrollada es de carácter interdisciplinar al combinar el análisis geopolítico a escala local, el trabajo etnográfico en comunidades rurales y la revisión histórica. El resultado de la investigación ha sido la comprensión de la lógica espacial que define a esta región de México a partir de las contradicciones entre las prácticas espaciales hegemónicas y los contra-espacios que las poblaciones locales construyen como alternativa a las primeras.

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While the geopolitics of the Ukraine crisis have dominated headlines, little attention has been paid to the potential challenges arising from the movement of people from the region to the EU. Yet recent history should tell us this could be a grave oversight. As we witnessed during the Arab Spring in 2011, political upheaval can result in people fleeing their state in fear of persecution or seeking to leave their state in search of new horizons and economic opportunities. The EU would do well to learn from that experience and the policy failures that resulted from the Union’s response of closing its borders and returning people to Africa. This Commentary argues that it is critical that – independently of the still uncertain outcome of the Ukraine crisis – the EU formulates and implements a credible policy strategy addressing the potential impact and benefits of mobility between Ukraine and the EU.

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The Crimean operation has served as an occasion for Russia to demonstrate to the entire world the capabilities and the potential of information warfare. Its goal is to use difficult to detect methods to subordinate the elites and societies in other countries by making use of various kinds of secret and overt channels (secret services, diplomacy and the media), psychological impact, and ideological and political sabotage. Russian politicians and journalists have argued that information battles are necessary for “the Russian/Eurasian civilisation” to counteract “informational aggression from the Atlantic civilisation led by the USA”. This argument from the arsenal of applied geopolitics has been used for years. This text is an attempt to provide an interpretation of information warfare with the background of Russian geopolitical theory and practice.

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The goal of this publication is to attempt to assess the thirteen years (2001- -2014) of the West’s military presence in the countries of post-Soviet Central Asia, closely associated with the ISAF and OEF-A (Operation Enduring Freedom – Afghanistan) missions in Afghanistan. There will also be an analysis of the actual challenges for the region’s stability after 2014. The current and future security architecture in Central Asia will also be looked at closely, as will the actual capabilities to counteract the most serious threats within its framework. The need to separately handle the security system in Central Asia and security as such is dictated by the particularities of political situation in the region, the key mechanism of which is geopolitics understood as global superpower rivalry for influence with a secondary or even instrumental role of the five regional states, while ignoring their internal problems. Such an approach is especially present in Russia’s perception of Central Asia, as it views security issues in geopolitical categories. Because of this, security analysis in the Central Asian region requires a broader geopolitical context, which was taken into account in this publication. The first part investigates the impact of the Western (primarily US) military and political presence on the region’s geopolitical architecture between 2001 and 2014. The second chapter is an attempt to take an objective look at the real challenges to regional security after the withdrawal of the coalition forces from Afghanistan, while the third chapter is dedicated to analysing the probable course of events in the security dimension following 2014. The accuracy of predictions time-wise included in the below publication does not exceed three to five years due to the dynamic developments in Central Asia and its immediate vicinity (the former Soviet Union, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iran), and because of the large degree of unpredictability of policies of one of the key regional actors – Russia (both in the terms of its activity on the international arena, and its internal developments).

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Ukraine’s deposits of unconventional gas (shale gas, tight gas trapped in non-porous sandstone formations, and coal bed methane) may form a significant part of Europe’s gas reserves. Initial exploration and test drilling will be carried out in two major deposits: Yuzivska (Kharkiv and Donetsk Oblasts) and Oleska (Lviv and Ivano-Frankivsk Oblasts), to confirm the volume of the reserves. Shell and Chevron, respectively, won the tenders for the development of these fields in mid 2012. Gas extraction on an industrial scale is expected to commence in late 2018/ early 2019 at the earliest. According to estimates presented in the draft Energy Strategy of Ukraine 2030, annual gas production levels may range between 30 billion m3 and 47 billion m3 towards the end of the next decade. According to optimistic forecasts from IHS CERA, total gas production (from both conventional and unconventional reserves) could reach as much as 73 billion m3. However, this will require multi-billion dollar investments, a significant improvement in the investment climate, and political stability. It is clear at the present initial stage of the unconventional gas extraction project that the private interests of the Ukrainian government elite have played a positive role in initiating unconventional gas extraction projects. Ukraine has had to wait nearly four decades for this opportunity to regain its status of a major gas producer. Gas from unconventional sources may lead not only to Ukraine becoming self-sufficient in terms of energy supplies, but may also result in it beginning to export gas. Furthermore, shale gas deposits in Poland and Ukraine, including on the Black Sea shelf (both traditional natural gas and gas hydrates) form a specific ‘European methane belt’, which could bring about a cardinal change in the geopolitics and geo-economics of Eastern and Central Europe over the next thirty years.