209 resultados para autosegmental phonology
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Smooth intercultural communication requires very complex tasks, especially when participants are very different in their cultural and linguistic backgrounds: this is the case of native Italian and Japanese speakers. A further difficulty in such a context can be found in the usage of a foreign language not mastered perfectly by speakers, which is the case for Italian intermediate learners of Japanese. The aim of this study is therefore to identify the linguistic difficulties common among Italian learners of Japanese as a foreign language and to further examine the consequences of incorrect pragma-linguistic deliveries in actual conversations. To this end, a series of linguistic aspects selected on the basis of the author's experience have been taken into consideration. Some aspects are expected to be difficult to master because of linguistic differences between Italian and Japanese, while some may be difficult due to their connection to the specific Japanese cultural context. The present study consists of six parts. The Introduction presents the state of the art on the research topic and defines the purpose of this research. Chapter 1 outlines the linguistic aspects of the Japanese language investigated in the study, specifically focusing on the following topics: writing system, phonology, loan words, numbers, ellipsis, levels of speech and honorifics. Chapter 2 presents an overview of the environment of teaching Japanese as a foreign language in the university setting in Italy. In Chapter 3 the first phase of the research is described, i.e. an online survey aimed at identifying the most problematic linguistic aspects. Chapter 4 presents the second phase of this study: a series of oral interactions between Japanese and Italian native speakers, conversing exclusively in Japanese, focusing on the management of misunderstandings with the use of actual linguistic data. The Conclusion outlines the results and possible future developments.
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The Cangin languages are classified as an own subgroup of the Atlantic languages. Evidence for their common origin can be given by the comparative method. By means of the systematic grammatical comparison of different languages this method aims at the reconstruction of a hypothetic proto-language and allows to draw hypothesises on their diachronic linguistic development. This paper concentrates on the evolution of the consonant system of the Cangin languages.
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Amawaka ([ɑmɨ̃ˈwɐkɑ]) is a highly endangered and underdocumented tonal language of the Headwaters (Fleck 2011) subgroup of the Panoan family in the Southwest Amazon Basin, spoken by approximately 200 people. Undocumented phonetic and phonological phenomena of Amawaka include its tonal structure, both in terms of surface realizations and the patterns underlying these realizations. Original audiovisual data from the author’s fieldwork in various Amawaka communities at the Peru-Brazil border will illuminate the as-yet obscure tonal systematicity of the language. Unlike other elements, monosyllabic bimoraic phonological nominal words with long vowels display variation in their surface realization. All the words with the open back unrounded /ɑ/, like /ˈkɑ̀:/ (patarashca, a traditional Amazonian dish), /ˈnɑ̀:/ “mestizo” etc. [with the exception of /ˈtɑ:/ “reed”, which surfaces with either a H or L tone] bear a low tone in isolation. This realization contrasts with all the encountered nominal monosyllables with vowels from the close and close-mid front and central spectrum /i, ɘ, ɨ, ɨ̃/, which clearly surface as high tone words in isolation, for example /ˈmɨ̃́:/ (a clay-lick for animals), /ˈwí:/ “Anopheles, spp. mosquito”. Monosyllables with close-mid back rounded /o/ have a less restrictive pitch that varies among speakers from low to high realizations, and sometimes even across the speech tokens from an individual speaker, e.g. /wó:/ or /wō:/ “hair”, /ɧō:/ or /ɧò:/ (a type of tarantula). Phrasal tonal phonology is more complex, when these three kinds of monosyllables appear in larger noun phrases. Some retain the same surface tones as their isolation form, while others seem to vary freely in their surface realization, e.g. /ˈtɘ́:.nɑ̀:/ or /ˈtɘ́:.nɑ́:/ ‘one mestizo’. Yet other monosyllables, e.g. /mɑ̀:/, exhibit a falling tone when preceded by a H syllable, suggesting probably latent tone sandhi phenomena, e.g /ˈtɘ́:.mɑ̂:/ (one clay-lick for parrots). In disyllabic, trisyllabic and quadrisyllabic nouns, tonal and stress patterns generally seem to be more consistent and tend to be retained both in isolation and in larger intonational phrases. Disyllabic nouns, for instance, surface as L-H or L-L when a glottal stop is in coda position. The association of L with a glottal stop is a feature that occurs in other Panoan languages as well, like Capanahua (Loos 1969), and more generally it is an areal feature, found in other parts of Amazonia (Hyman 2010). So, tone has significant interactions with the glottal stop and glottalization, which generally co-occurs with L. The data above suggest that the underlying tonal system of Amawaka is much more complex than the privative one-tone analysis (/H/ vs. Ø, i.e. lack of tone) that was proposed by Russell and Russell (1959). Evidence from field data suggests either an equipollent (Hyman 2010) two-tone opposition between /H/ and /L/, or a hybrid system, with both equipollent and privative features; that is, /H/ vs. /L/ vs. either Ø or /M/. This first systematic description of Amawaka tone, in conjunction with ongoing research, is poised to address broader questions concerning interrelationships between surface/underlying tone and other suprasegmental features, such as nasality, metrical stress, and intonation. References Fleck, David W. 2011. Panoan languages and linguistics. In Javier Ruedas and David W. Fleck (Eds.), Panoan Histories and Interethnic Identities, To appear. Hyman, Larry. 2010. Amazonia and the typology of tone systems. Presented at the conference Amazonicas III: The structure of the Amazonian languages. Bogotá. Loos, Eugene E. 1969. The phonology of Capanahua and its grammatical basis. Norman: SIL and U. Oklahoma. Russell, Robert & Dolores. 1959. Syntactotonemics in Amahuaca (Pano). Série Lingüistica Especial, 128-167. Publicaçoes do Museu Nacional, Rio de Janeiro, Brasil.
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Amawaka ([ɑmɨ̃ˈwɐkɑ]) is a highly endangered and underdocumented tonal language of the Headwaters (Fleck 2011) subgroup of the Panoan family in the Southwest Amazon Basin, spoken by approximately 200 people. Undocumented phonetic and phonological phenomena of Amawaka include its tonal structure, both in terms of surface realizations and the patterns underlying these realizations. Original audiovisual data from the author’s fieldwork in various Amawaka communities at the Peru-Brazil border will illuminate the as-yet obscure tonal systematicity of the language. Unlike other elements, monosyllabic bimoraic phonological nominal words with long vowels display variation in their surface realization. All the words with the open back unrounded /ɑ/, like /ˈkɑ̀:/ (a traditional Amazonian dish), /ˈnɑ̀:/ “mestizo” etc. [with the exception of /ˈtɑ:/ “reed”, which surfaces with either a H or L tone] bear a low tone in isolation. This realization contrasts with all the encountered nominal monosyllables with vowels from the close and close-mid front and central spectrum /i, ɘ, ɨ, ɨ̃/, which clearly surface as high tone words in isolation, for example /ˈmɨ̃́:/ (a clay-lick for animals), /ˈwí:/ “Anopheles, spp. mosquito”. Monosyllables with close-mid back rounded /o/ have a less restrictive pitch that varies among speakers from low to high realizations, and sometimes even across the speech tokens from an individual speaker, e.g. /wó:/ or /wō:/ “hair”, /ɧō:/ or /ɧò:/ (a type of tarantula). Phrasal tonal phonology is more complex, when these three kinds of monosyllables appear in larger noun phrases. Some retain the same surface tones as their isolation form, while others seem to vary freely in their surface realization, e.g. /ˈtɘ́:.nɑ̀:/ or /ˈtɘ́:.nɑ́:/ ‘one mestizo’. Yet other monosyllables, e.g. /mɑ̀:/, exhibit a falling tone when preceded by a H syllable, suggesting probably latent tone sandhi phenomena, e.g /ˈtɘ́:.mɑ̂:/ (one clay-lick for parrots). In disyllabic, trisyllabic and quadrisyllabic nouns, tonal and stress patterns generally seem to be more consistent and tend to be retained both in isolation and in larger intonational phrases. Disyllabic nouns, for instance, surface as L-H or L-L when a glottal stop is in coda position. The association of L with a glottal stop is a feature that occurs in other Panoan languages as well, like Capanahua (Loos 1969), and more generally it is an areal feature, found in other parts of Amazonia (Hyman 2010). So, tone has significant interactions with the glottal stop and glottalization, which generally co-occurs with L. The data above suggest that the underlying tonal system of Amawaka is much more complex than the privative one-tone analysis (/H/ vs. Ø, i.e. lack of tone) that was proposed by Russell and Russell (1959). Evidence from field data suggests either an equipollent (Hyman 2010) two-tone opposition between /H/ and /L/, or a hybrid system, with both equipollent and privative features; that is, /H/ vs. /L/ vs. either Ø or /M/. This first systematic description of Amawaka tone, in conjunction with ongoing research, is poised to address broader questions concerning interrelationships between surface/underlying tone and other suprasegmental features, such as nasality, metrical stress, and intonation. References Fleck, David W. 2011. Panoan languages and linguistics. In Javier Ruedas and David W. Fleck (Eds.), Panoan Histories and Interethnic Identities, To appear. Hyman, Larry. 2010. Amazonia and the typology of tone systems. Presented at the conference Amazonicas III: The structure of the Amazonian languages. Bogotá. Loos, Eugene E. 1969. The phonology of Capanahua and its grammatical basis. Norman: SIL and U. Oklahoma. Russell, Robert & Dolores. 1959. Syntactotonemics in Amahuaca (Pano). Série Lingüistica Especial, 128-167. Publicaçoes do Museu Nacional, Rio de Janeiro, Brasil.
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Phonological development in hearing children of deaf parents Dr. Diane Lillo-Martin 5/9/2010 The researcher wishes to determine the significance of a unique linguistic environment on the effects of phonological development. The research examines whether 3 hearing children of deaf parents, hereafter referred to as CODAs, have inconsistencies, as compared to children in a typical linguistic environment, in their syllable structure, phonological processes or phonemic inventories. More specifically, the research asks whether their speech is more consistent with children of typical environments or more similar to children with phonological delays or disorders or articulation disorders. After the examination of these three components to a child's phonological development, it can be concluded that the linguistic environment of CODA children does not negatively hinder their phonological language development.
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Desde la publicación del artículo pionero de Perlmutter (1978), numerosos trabajos han investigado las propiedades semánticas y sintácticas de dichas construcciones (Burzio 1981, 1986, Levin y Rappaport Hovav 1995, Mendikoetxea 1999, Alexiadou et al 2004) y actualmente es universalmente aceptado que el sintagma determinante seleccionado por un verbo inacusativo es a la vez sujeto sintáctico y objeto nocional originado en la posición de complemento del SV con rol temático de TEMA o PACIENTE (Chomsky 1981, 1995, Hale y Keyser 1991). De manera que la posición canónica del sujeto de las construcciones inacusativas es la de complemento interno del verbo. Sin embargo, tanto en lenguas de orden rígido como el inglés como en lenguas de orden flexible como el español, dicho argumento interno puede sufrir desplazamientos hacia otras posiciones más elevadas en la derivación. El presente trabajo intenta analizar las causas de tales desplazamientos y las posiciones pre- y posverbales en que se realiza fonológicamente el SD de las construcciones inacusativas. Se estudiarán primeramente las inversiones que se producen en el nivel inferior, en los sintagmas SV y ST. Luego se examinarán las inversiones producidas en el margen izquierdo de la oración en los sintagmas funcionales jerarquizados según la llamada Cartografía Oracional en la periferia izquierda de la oración (Rizzi 1997). Para ello se investigarán las realizaciones fonológicas de un corpus de datos específicamente diseñado para elicitar construcciones inacusativas no guionadas siguiendo el modelo Métrico Autosegmental (Pierrehumbert 1980, Beckman & Pierrehumbert 1986, Beckman et al 2005, D'Imperio et al 2005, Face y D'Imperio 2005)
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Desde la publicación del artículo pionero de Perlmutter (1978), numerosos trabajos han investigado las propiedades semánticas y sintácticas de dichas construcciones (Burzio 1981, 1986, Levin y Rappaport Hovav 1995, Mendikoetxea 1999, Alexiadou et al 2004) y actualmente es universalmente aceptado que el sintagma determinante seleccionado por un verbo inacusativo es a la vez sujeto sintáctico y objeto nocional originado en la posición de complemento del SV con rol temático de TEMA o PACIENTE (Chomsky 1981, 1995, Hale y Keyser 1991). De manera que la posición canónica del sujeto de las construcciones inacusativas es la de complemento interno del verbo. Sin embargo, tanto en lenguas de orden rígido como el inglés como en lenguas de orden flexible como el español, dicho argumento interno puede sufrir desplazamientos hacia otras posiciones más elevadas en la derivación. El presente trabajo intenta analizar las causas de tales desplazamientos y las posiciones pre- y posverbales en que se realiza fonológicamente el SD de las construcciones inacusativas. Se estudiarán primeramente las inversiones que se producen en el nivel inferior, en los sintagmas SV y ST. Luego se examinarán las inversiones producidas en el margen izquierdo de la oración en los sintagmas funcionales jerarquizados según la llamada Cartografía Oracional en la periferia izquierda de la oración (Rizzi 1997). Para ello se investigarán las realizaciones fonológicas de un corpus de datos específicamente diseñado para elicitar construcciones inacusativas no guionadas siguiendo el modelo Métrico Autosegmental (Pierrehumbert 1980, Beckman & Pierrehumbert 1986, Beckman et al 2005, D'Imperio et al 2005, Face y D'Imperio 2005)
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Desde la publicación del artículo pionero de Perlmutter (1978), numerosos trabajos han investigado las propiedades semánticas y sintácticas de dichas construcciones (Burzio 1981, 1986, Levin y Rappaport Hovav 1995, Mendikoetxea 1999, Alexiadou et al 2004) y actualmente es universalmente aceptado que el sintagma determinante seleccionado por un verbo inacusativo es a la vez sujeto sintáctico y objeto nocional originado en la posición de complemento del SV con rol temático de TEMA o PACIENTE (Chomsky 1981, 1995, Hale y Keyser 1991). De manera que la posición canónica del sujeto de las construcciones inacusativas es la de complemento interno del verbo. Sin embargo, tanto en lenguas de orden rígido como el inglés como en lenguas de orden flexible como el español, dicho argumento interno puede sufrir desplazamientos hacia otras posiciones más elevadas en la derivación. El presente trabajo intenta analizar las causas de tales desplazamientos y las posiciones pre- y posverbales en que se realiza fonológicamente el SD de las construcciones inacusativas. Se estudiarán primeramente las inversiones que se producen en el nivel inferior, en los sintagmas SV y ST. Luego se examinarán las inversiones producidas en el margen izquierdo de la oración en los sintagmas funcionales jerarquizados según la llamada Cartografía Oracional en la periferia izquierda de la oración (Rizzi 1997). Para ello se investigarán las realizaciones fonológicas de un corpus de datos específicamente diseñado para elicitar construcciones inacusativas no guionadas siguiendo el modelo Métrico Autosegmental (Pierrehumbert 1980, Beckman & Pierrehumbert 1986, Beckman et al 2005, D'Imperio et al 2005, Face y D'Imperio 2005)
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Introdução: Crianças com distúrbio específico de linguagem (DEL) são propensas a apresentar dificuldade no processo de alfabetização devido às múltiplas alterações de linguagem que possuem. Este estudo comparou e caracterizou o desempenho de crianças com DEL e em desenvolvimento típico de linguagem em atividades de aliteração, rima, memória de curto prazo fonológica, ditado de palavras e de pseudopalavras. A principal hipótese do estudo era de que o grupo DEL apresentaria desempenho inferior do que o grupo em desenvolvimento típico em todas as habilidades estudadas. Método: Participaram do estudo 12 crianças com DEL (GP) e 48 em desenvolvimento típico (GC) com idade entre 7 anos e 9 anos e 11 meses. Todos os sujeitos cursavam o 2º ou 3º ano do ensino fundamental I e apresentavam audição e rendimento intelectual não-verbal preservados. Para a seleção dos grupos foram utilizadas medidas de vocabulário receptivo, fonologia e nível socioeconômico. Já as medidas experimentais avaliadas foram testes padronizados de aliteração, rima, memória de curto prazo fonológica e a aplicação de um ditado de palavras e de pseudopalavras elaborados para esta pesquisa. Resultados: ambos os grupos apresentaram pior desempenho em tarefas de rima do que de aliteração e o GP apresentou desempenho inferior em ambas as tarefas quando comparado ao GC. A análise dos distratores nas atividades de aliteração e rima apontou que em tarefas de aliteração, o GP cometeu mais erros de tipologia semântico enquanto na prova de rima foram mais erros de tipologia fonológico. O GP obteve desempenho inferior ao GC nas avaliações da memória de curto prazo fonológica, ditado de palavras e de pseudopalavras. O GP evidenciou maior dificuldade no ditado de pseudopalavras no que no de palavras e o GC não apresentou diferença significativa no desempenho dos ditados. No ditado de palavras, o GP cometeu mais erros na palavra toda enquanto no ditado de pseudopalavras ocorreram mais erros na palavra toda e na sílaba final. Na comparação do desempenho dos grupos de acordo com a escolaridade, notou-se que os sujeitos do GC do 2º e 3º ano não evidenciaram diferença significativa em seu desempenho nas tarefas, enquanto os sujeitos do GP do 3º ano apresentaram melhor desempenho do que os do 2º ano em todas as medidas experimentais, com exceção da memória de curto prazo fonológica. Conclusões: o GP apresentou dificuldade em tarefas de processamento fonológico e de escrita que foram realizadas com relativa facilidade pelo GC. Os sujeitos com DEL evidenciaram uma análise mais global dos estímulos apresentados nas tarefas de consciência fonológica, o que os fez desprezar aspectos segmentais importantes. A dificuldade em abordar as informações de modo analítico, somado a alterações linguísticas e do processamento fonológico, levou o GP a apresentar maior taxa de erros nas tarefas de ditado. Apesar das alterações apontadas, os sujeitos do GP do 3º ano obtiveram melhor desempenho do que os do 2º ano em todas as habilidades com exceção da memória de curto prazo fonológica, que é sua marca clínica. Estes dados reforçam a necessidade do diagnóstico e intervenção precoces para esta população, onde as habilidades abordadas neste estudo devem ser incluídas no processo terapêutico
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A collection of miscellaneous pamphlets on the romance languages.
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[1st series]. The Veda, the Avesta, the science of language -- 2nd series. The east and west, religion and mythology, orthography and phonology, Hindu astronomy.
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Yazghulami is a South-East Iranian language spoken in the Pamir area of Tajikistan by about 9000 people. This study gives an account of the phonology of the language by describing contrastive segments and their distribution and realizations, as well as describing suprasegmental features such as syllable structure and stress patterns. Field research was carried out in a community of Yazghulami speakers in Dushanbe, the capital of Tajikistan, by recording, transcribing and annotating spoken language. Yazghulami is analyzed as having 8 vowel phonemes of which one pair contrasts in length, and 36 consonant phonemes with a considerable display of palatal, velar and uvular phonemes, of which a set of three labialized plosives and three labialized fricatives is found. The syllable structure of Yazghulami allows for clusters of no more than two consonants in the onset and two in the coda; clusters in both positions do not occur in one and the same syllable. The stress generally falls on the last syllable of a word, although when nouns are inflected with suffixes, the stress instead falls on the last syllable of the stem. With these results, a foundation for further efforts to develop and increase the status of this endangered language is laid.