The British Intervention in South Russia 1918-1920

Soon after the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, a three-year civil war broke out in Russia. As in many other civil wars, foreign powers intervened in the conflict. Britain played a leading role in this intervention and had a significant effect on the course of the war. Without this intervention on the White side, the superiority of numbers in manpower and weaponry of the Bolsheviks would have quickly overwhelmed their opponents. The aim of this dissertation is to explain the nature and role of the British intervention on the southern, and most decisive, front of the Civil War. The political decision making in London is studied as a background, but the focus of the dissertation is on the actual implementation of the British policy in Russia. The British military mission arrived in South Russia in late 1918, and started to provide General Denikin s White army with ample supplies. General Denikin would have not been able to build his army of more than 200,000 men or to make his operation against Moscow without the British matériel. The British mission also organized the training and equipping of the Russian troops with British weapons. This made the material aid much more effective. Many of the British instructors took part in fighting the Bolsheviks despite the orders of their government. The study is based on primary sources produced by British departments of state and members of the British mission and military units in South Russia. Primary sources from the Whites, including the personal collections of several key figures of the White movement and official records of the Armed Forces of South Russia are also used to give a balanced picture of the course of events. It is possible to draw some general conclusions from the White movement and reasons for their defeat from the study of the British intervention. In purely material terms the British aid placed Denikin s army in a far more favourable position than the Bolsheviks in 1919, but other military defects in the White army were numerous. The White commanders were unimaginative, their military thinking was obsolete, and they were incapable of organizing the logistics of their army. There were also fundamental defects in the morale of the White troops. In addition to all political mistakes of Denikin s movement and a general inability to adjust to the complex situation in Revolutionary Russia, the Whites suffered a clear military defeat. In South Russia the Whites were defeated not because of the lack of British aid, but rather in spite of it.

Rauhan atomi, sodan koodi : Suomalaisen atomivoimaratkaisun teknopolitiikka 1955-1970

This dissertation investigates the atomic power solution in Finland between 1955 - 1970. During these years a national arrangement for atomic energy technology evolved. The foundations of the Finnish atomic energy policy; the creation of basic legislation and the first governmental bodies, were laid between 1955 - 1965. In the late 1960's, the necessary technological and political decisions were made in order to purchase the first commercial nuclear reactor. A historical narration of this process is seen in the international context of "atoms for peace" policies and Cold War history in general. The geopolitical position of Finland made it necessary to become involved in the balanced participation in international scientific-technical exchange and assistive nuclear programs. The Paris Peace Treaty of 1947 categorically denied Finland acquisition of nuclear weapons. Accordingly, from the "Geneva year" of 1955, the emphasis was placed on peaceful purposes for atomic energy as well as on the education of national professionals in Finland. An initiative for the governmental atomic energy commission came from academia but the ultimate motive behind it was an anticipated structural change in the supply of national energy. Economically exploitable hydro power resources were expected to be built within ten years and atomic power was seen as a promising and complementing new energy technology. While importing fuels like coal was out of the question, because of scarce foreign currency, domestic uranium mineral deposits were considered as a potential source of nuclear fuel. Nevertheless, even then nuclear energy was regarded as just one of the possible future energy options. In the mid-1960 s a bandwagon effect of light water reactor orders was witnessed in the United States and soon elsewhere in the world. In Finland, two separate invitations for bids for nuclear reactors were initiated. This study explores at length both their preceding grounds and later phases. An explanation is given that the parallel, independent and nearly identical tenders reflected a post-war ideological rivalry between the state-owned utility Imatran Voima and private energy utilities. A private sector nuclear power association Voimayhdistys Ydin represented energy intensive paper and pulp industries and wanted to have free choice instead of being associated themselves with "the state monopoly" in energy pricing. As a background to this, a decisive change had started to happen within Finnish energy policy: private and municipal big thermal power plants became incorporated into the national hydro power production system. A characteristic phenomenon in the later history is the Soviet Union s effort to bid for the tender of Imatran Voima. A nuclear superpower was willing to take part in competition but not on a turnkey basis as Imatran Voima had presumed. As a result of many political turns and four years of negotiations the first Finnish commercial light water reactor was ordered from the East. Soon after this the private nuclear power group ordered its reactors from Sweden. This work interprets this as a reasonable geopolitical balance in choosing politically sensitive technology. Conceptually, social and political dimensions of new technology are emphasised. Negotiations on the Finnish atomic energy program are viewed as a cooperation and a struggle, where state-oriented and private-oriented regimes pose their own macro level views and goals (technopolitical imaginaries) and defend and advance their plans and practical modes of action (schemata). Here, not only technologists but even political actors are seen to contribute to technopolitical realisations.

The German Military Entrepreneur Ernst von Mansfeld and His Conduct of Asymmetrical Warfare in the Thirty Years War

The dissertation examines aspects of asymmetrical warfare in the war-making of the German military entrepreneur Ernst von Mansfeld during his involvement in the Thirty Years War. Due to the nature of the inquiry, which combines history with military-political theory, the methodological approach of the dissertation is interdisciplinary. The theoretical framework used is that of asymmetrical warfare. The primary sources used in the dissertation are mostly political pamphlets and newsletters. Other sources include letters, documents, and contemporaneous chronicles. The secondary sources are divided into two categories, literature on the history of the Thirty Years War and textbooks covering the theory of asymmetrical warfare. The first category includes biographical works on Ernst von Mansfeld, as well as general histories of the Thirty Years War and seventeenth-century warfare. The second category combines military theory and political science. The structure of the dissertation consists of eight lead chapters, including an introduction and conclusion. The introduction covers the theoretical approach and aims of the dissertation, and provides a brief overlook of the sources and previous research on Ernst von Mansfeld and asymmetrical warfare in the Thirty Years War. The second chapter covers aspects of Mansfeld s asymmetrical warfare from the perspective of operational art. The third chapter investigates the illegal and immoral aspects of Mansfeld s war-making. The fourth chapter compares the differing methods by which Mansfeld and his enemies raised and financed their armies. The fifth chapter investigates Mansfeld s involvement in indirect warfare. The sixth chapter presents Mansfeld as an object and an agent of image and information war. The seventh chapter looks into the counter-reactions, which Mansfeld s asymmetrical warfare provoked from his enemies. The eighth chapter offers a conclusion of the findings. The dissertation argues that asymmetrical warfare presented itself in all the aforementioned areas of Mansfeld s conduct during the Thirty Years War. The operational asymmetry arose from the freedom of movement that Mansfeld enjoyed, while his enemies were constrained by the limits of positional warfare. As a non-state operator Mansfeld was also free to flout the rules of seventeenth-century warfare, which his enemies could not do with equal ease. The raising and financing of military forces was another source of asymmetry, because the nature of early seventeenth-century warfare favoured private military entrepreneurs rather than embryonic fiscal-military states. The dissertation also argues that other powers fought their own asymmetrical and indirect wars against the Habsburgs through Mansfeld s agency. Image and information were asymmetrical weapons, which were both aimed against Mansfeld and utilized by him. Finally, Mansfeld s asymmetrical threat forced the Habsburgs to adapt to his methods, which ultimately lead to the formation of a subcontracted Imperial Army under the management and leadership of Albrecht von Wallenstein. Therefore Mansfeld s asymmetrical warfare ultimately paved way for the kind of state-monopolized, organised, and symmetrical warfare that has prevailed from 1648 onwards. The conclusion is that Mansfeld s conduct in the Thirty Years War matched the criteria for asymmetrical warfare. While traditional historiography treated Mansfeld as an anomaly in the age of European state formation, his asymmetrical warfare has begun to bear resemblance to the contemporary conflicts, where nation states no longer hold the monopoly of violence.

O viva Rio e a construção de uma cultura da paz: cidadania, violência e paz na campanha do desarmamento de 2004

Na campanha do desarmamento organizada pela Organização Não Governamental Viva Rio - e realizada entre meados de 2004 e outubro de 2005, com o Referendo Sobre a Proibição do Comércio de Armas de Fogo no Brasil , os atores, discursos e práticas envolvidos na causa do desarmamento se voltavam, majoritariamente, a uma estratégia de apelo aos corações aos cidadãos de bem como forma de persuasão, atrelavam, de modo amplo, a defesa ao desarmamento à defesa à paz e ao combate à violência, e se concentravam, principalmente, na divulgação e promoção da campanha de entrega das armas. Para o debate em torno do Estatuto do Desarmamento e do Referendo, entretanto, novos atores entraram na disputa e começaram a ganhar visibilidade na esfera pública. Os atores engajados pelo "não" no Referendo acionaram aliados e seus discursos em prol de sua causa, recorrendo a elementos da moral e da religião na defesa da posse de armas como um direito inalienável dos cidadãos.Este trabalho reflete sobre as ações engendradas pelo Viva Rio em torno da questão do desarmamento desde sua fundação - com destaque para a Campanha do Desarmamento de 2004 -, discutindo a presença da religiosidade em suas iniciativas e a contribuição desta na constituição de noções de paz, violência e cidadania no espaço público brasileiro. Examina, ainda, de que modo estas noções fundamentaram a atuação pública do Viva Rio na construção de uma cultura da paz e ajudaram a compor um campo de parcerias e disputas no cenário nacional.

激光晶体的现状及发展趋势

在分析激光晶体的研究现状的基础上，指出其未来应用及主要发展趋势：面向先进制造技术、激光武器等应用的（1μm波段）高功率、大能量激光晶体；面向人眼安全、遥感、光通讯、医疗等应用的红外激光晶体；面向全色显示、光刻等应用的蓝绿紫和可见光激光晶体；LD泵浦超快激光增益和放大介质材料．

Processos de indeterminação lexical em conversas telefônicas interceptadas

O objetivo principal deste trabalho é estudar estratégias de indeterminação de sentido em um corpus de conversas telefônicas interceptadas, considerando que a produção de sentido é um processo cognitivo dependente do contexto. Delimitamos a linguística cognitiva como a área na qual essa pesquisa se encontra inserida, para melhor compreender os fundamentos e os pressupostos norteadores da Teoria dos Modelos Cognitivos Idealizados (TMCI) e da Teoria da Mesclagem Conceptual (blending), tendo como base, principalmente, os estudos de Lakoff (1987), Fauconnier (1997) e Fauconnier e Turner (2002). No decorrer do trabalho propomo-nos responder às seguintes questões de pesquisa: a) que estratégias de indeterminação de sentido são mais frequentemente usadas nestas conversas? b) que elementos do contexto e do cotexto permitem a delimitação do sentido do item lexical em determinada conversa? c) como funcionam, no corpus, as estratégias de indeterminação de sentido e de que forma elas contribuem para sustentar determinado tipo de relação interpessoal? Para responder a estas questões de pesquisa, das 22 gravações de conversas telefônicas de atores sociais envolvidos com tráfico de armas e drogas, sequestro e extorsão, fornecidas pela Coordenadoria de Segurança e Inteligência do Ministério Público do Rio de Janeiro, selecionamos 10 conversas, em função da sua qualidade sonora, para serem transcritas e para proceder à análise qualitativa do uso da polissemia e da vagueza lexical. A partir das discussões teóricas e das análises desenvolvidas, concluímos que a polissemia representa a estratégia de indeterminação de sentido mais frequente no corpus desta pesquisa e que a mesma pode ser entendida como um processo de mesclagem conceptual, que sofre influências sociais e culturais: é a dinamicidade do pensamento e da linguagem que geram a polissemia. Concluímos também que a vagueza lexical é utilizada, no corpus, como um recurso linguístico para referência a assuntos ilícitos. Os itens lexicais analisados instanciam esquemas mentais abstratos que têm seus sentidos realizados a partir de pistas linguísticas e extralinguísticas que apontam para um processo interacional que pode ser entendido como um enquadre de transações comerciais (tráfico de drogas)

Conselhos Comunitários de Segurança: a violência em diálogo políticas governamentais e suas práticas

Os conselhos comunitários de segurança pública do Rio de Janeiro representam uma mudança institucional na área das políticas públicas de segurança. Trata-se de um canal de abertura que permite a participação no plano local, caracterizado pela busca da instauração de diferentes padrões de interação entre governo e sociedade em torno do tema segurança. Baseado nas recentes análises acerca da sociedade civil, em que esta vem sendo tratada cada vez mais como instância aproximada da esfera governamental. O trabalho propõe expor uma análise político-social do conselho comunitário do bairro Méier e suas adjacências, localizados na Zona Norte do Rio de Janeiro. Esta região é conhecida pelos contrastes sociais e elevados índices de violência, por concentrar, de uma só vez, um comércio próspero, grande número de habitantes e diversas comunidades carentes dominadas pelo tráfico de drogas e de armas. A experiência deste conselho permite conhecer que a consolidação desta arena depende não só da presença de organizações e representantes sociais aptos a reivindicar múltiplos interesses, mas também do comprometimento do governo em reconhecer essas arenas como canais privilegiados na relação entre poder público e sociedade. O conselho caracteriza-se como uma ferramenta inovadora à medida que trata de um tema conflituoso como a segurança pública. Esta arena permite a aproximação entre comunidade e instituições historicamente fechadas como as polícias militar e civil. O exercício dos conselhos comunitários de segurança pública pode colaborar para o aprofundamento de uma democracia brasileira mais participativa e de um Estado mais poroso, na medida em que aposta no envolvimento de uma sociedade civil mais organizada e atuante, de um Poder Executivo e órgãos governamentais mais dispostos ao diálogo.

The mechanical integrity of fuel pin cladding in a pulsed-beam accelerator driven subcritical reactor

The Accelerator Driven Subcritical Reactor (ADSR) is one of the reactor designs proposed for future nuclear energy production. Interest in the ADSR arises from its enhanced and intrinsic safety characteristics, as well as its potential ability to utilize the large global reserves of thorium and to burn legacy actinide waste from other reactors and decommissioned nuclear weapons. The ADSR concept is based on the coupling of a particle accelerator and a subcritical core by means of a neutron spallation target interface. One of the candidate accelerator technologies receiving increasing attention, the Fixed Field Alternating Gradient (FFAG) accelerator, generates a pulsed proton beam. This paper investigates the impact of pulsed proton beam operation on the mechanical integrity of the fuel pin cladding. A pulsed beam induces repetitive temperature changes in the reactor core which lead to cyclic thermal stresses in the cladding. To perform the thermal analysis aspects of this study a code that couples the neutron kinetics of a subcritical core to a cylindrical geometry heat transfer model was developed. This code, named PTS-ADS, enables temperature variations in the cladding to be calculated. These results are then used to perform thermal fatigue analysis and to predict the stress-life behaviour of the cladding. © 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Thorium fuel cycles for light water reactors: homogeneous design

The proliferation potential of the present light water reactor (LWR) fuel cycle is related primarily to the quantity and the quality of the residual Pu contained in the spent-fuel stockpile, although other potentially “weapons usable” materials are also a concern. Thorium-based nuclear fuel produces much smaller amounts of Pu in comparison with standard LWR fuel, and consequently, it is more proliferation resistant than conventional slightly enriched all-U fuel; the long-term toxicity of the spent-fuel stockpile is also reduced

反水雷UUV的作战效能模型分析

针对UUV的战术技术性能和使用特点,基于WSEIAC方法建立了反水雷UUV的作战效能基本评估模型,系统地论述了反水雷UUV作战效能的定义、量度和反水雷UUV作战效能基本评估模型及效能评定所涉及的UUV可用性、可信性及作战能力的分析方法。该模型能鲜明反映UUV装备的系统效能的物理本质,并在工程应用上具有简便灵活的特点,对于设计反水雷UUV——一种未来海军必要的新型反水雷装备,具有重要的指导意义。

Spying on Science : Western Intelligence in Divided Germany, 1945-1961

Maddrell, John, Spying on Science: Western Intelligence in Divided Germany, 1945-1961 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), pp.xi+330 RAE2008

The Cuban Missile Crisis And The Threat Of Nuclear War: Lessons From History

Scott, Len, The Cuban Missile Crisis And The Threat Of Nuclear War: Lessons From History (London: Continuum, 2007), pp.xii+222 RAE2008

Labour and the Bomb: The First Eighty Years

Scott, L. (2006). Labour and the Bomb: The First Eighty Years. International Affairs. 82(4), pp.685-700 RAE2008

Kontakty społeczności Europy środkowej i strefy egejskiej w drugim tysiącleciu przed Chr. Próba analizy archeologiczno-chronometrycznej

Wydział Historyczny: Instytut Prahistorii

Diagnosis of partial body radiation exposure in mice using peripheral blood gene expression profiles.

In the event of a terrorist-mediated attack in the United States using radiological or improvised nuclear weapons, it is expected that hundreds of thousands of people could be exposed to life-threatening levels of ionizing radiation. We have recently shown that genome-wide expression analysis of the peripheral blood (PB) can generate gene expression profiles that can predict radiation exposure and distinguish the dose level of exposure following total body irradiation (TBI). However, in the event a radiation-mass casualty scenario, many victims will have heterogeneous exposure due to partial shielding and it is unknown whether PB gene expression profiles would be useful in predicting the status of partially irradiated individuals. Here, we identified gene expression profiles in the PB that were characteristic of anterior hemibody-, posterior hemibody- and single limb-irradiation at 0.5 Gy, 2 Gy and 10 Gy in C57Bl6 mice. These PB signatures predicted the radiation status of partially irradiated mice with a high level of accuracy (range 79-100%) compared to non-irradiated mice. Interestingly, PB signatures of partial body irradiation were poorly predictive of radiation status by site of injury (range 16-43%), suggesting that the PB molecular response to partial body irradiation was anatomic site specific. Importantly, PB gene signatures generated from TBI-treated mice failed completely to predict the radiation status of partially irradiated animals or non-irradiated controls. These data demonstrate that partial body irradiation, even to a single limb, generates a characteristic PB signature of radiation injury and thus may necessitate the use of multiple signatures, both partial body and total body, to accurately assess the status of an individual exposed to radiation.