Women in police services in the EU: facts and figures 2012

The Institute for Public Security of Catalonia (ISPC), the only state-funded education and research centre for police in Catalonia-Spain, developed in 2012 a comparative study on Gender diversity in police services in the European Union. The study is an update of the research Facts & Figures 2008 that was carried out by the European Network of Policewomen (ENP), a non-profit organization that works in partnership with colleagues from police and/or law enforcement organizations in its member countries to facilitate positive changes in the position of women in police services. To gather the 2012 data, the ISPC invited EU Member States’ police services to cooperate in the study answering a 10- ITEM questionnaire. The questionnaire was the same tool used in 2008 by the ENP. In February 2012, the ISPC sent the questionnaires through Cepol National Contact Points’ network. In order to include as many police services as possible in the study, the ENP also supported us to gather some of the data. Altogether we received questionnaires from 29 police services corresponding to 17 UE countries. Besides, we used data from open sources about England and Wales police services and the French National Police. In this document you can find: first, the tool we used to collect the data; second, the answers we gathered presented per country; finally, some comparative tables and graphics developed by the ISPC. Countries: Austria, Belgium Cyprus, Denmark, England, Wales, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Portugal, Romania, Slovenia, Spain, Swden.

Special investigation of the City of Grinnell Police Department for the period January 1, 2006 through April 30, 2008

Special investigation of the City of Grinnell Police Department for the period January 1, 2006 through April 30, 2008

Iowa Department of Public Safety: Iowa State Patrol, 2008 Annual Report

As Iowa's traffic enforcement agency, the Iowa State Patrol is responsible for providing law enforcement services to rural areas of the state as well as traffic enforcement and support for metropolitan areas around the state. Troopers patrol Iowa's highways and conduct traffic enforcement for both unincorporated areas and interstate highways. In addition, our Personnel provide security and police services throughout the state for many special events including, fairs, festivals, and large sporting events such as the Iowa Speedway, University of Iowa and Iowa State football games.

Report on a special investigation of the City of Dunkerton Police Department for the period January 1, 2013 through August 31, 2014

Report on a special investigation of the City of Dunkerton Police Department for the period January 1, 2013 through August 31, 2014

Human Rights Violations in Police Custody

Human rights are the basic rights of every individual against the state or any other public authority as a member of the human family irrespective of any other consideration. Thus every individual of the society has the inherent right to be treated with dignity in all situations including arrest and keeping in custody by the police. Rights of an individual in police custody are protected basically by the Indian Constitution and by various other laws like Code of Criminal Procedure, Evidence Act, Indian Penal Code and Protection of Human Rights Act. The term `custody' is defined neither in procedural nor in substantive laws. The word custody means protective care. The expression `police custody' as used in sec. 27 of Evidence Act does not necessarily mean formal arrest. In India with special reference to Kerala and evolution and development of the concept of human rights and various kinds of human rights violations in police custody in different stages of history. Human rights activists and various voluntary organisations reveals that there are so many factors contributing towards the causes of violations of human rights by police. Sociological causes like ambivalent outlook of the society with respect to the use of third degree methods by the police, economic causes like meager salary and inadequate living conditions, rampant corruption in police service, unnecessary political interference in the crime investigation, work load of police personnel without any time limit and periodic holidays, unnecessary pressure from superior police officers and the general public for speedy detection causing great mental strain to the investigating officers, defective system of recruitment and training, imperfect system of investigation and lack of public co-operation are some of the factors identified in the field survey towards the causes of violations of human rights in police custody.

The British state and the Irish rebellion of 1916: an intelligence failure or an failure of response

The teleological narrative that has dominated the handling of intelligence by the British state in the events that led up to the 1916 Irish Rebellion in Dublin has been characterised as a cocktail of incompetence and mendacity. Using new and existing archive material this article argues that both the cabinet in London and key members of the Irish Executive in Dublin were supplied with accurate and timely intelligence by the Admiralty's signals intelligence unit, the Royal Irish Constabulary and the Dublin Metropolitan Police with respect to this event. Far from being a failure of intelligence here is evidence to show that there occurred a failure of response on behalf of key decision-makers. The warnings that were given by intelligence organisations were filtered through the existing policy preferences and assumptions. As a result of these factors accurate evaluations and sound judgement were not exercised by key officials, such as Sir Matthew Nathan, in Dublin Castle.

Geographical externalities and the Pacifying Police Units Program in Rio de Janeiro

The paper quantifies the effects on violence and police activity of the Pacifying Police Unit program (UPP) in Rio de Janeiro and the possible geographical spillovers caused by this policy. This program consists of taking selected shantytowns controlled by criminals organizations back to the State. The strategy of the policy is to dislodge the criminals and then settle a permanent community-oriented police station in the slum. The installation of police units in these slums can generate geographical spillover effects to other regions of the State of Rio de Janeiro. We use the interrupted time series approach proposed by Gonzalez-Navarro (2013) to address effects of a police when there is contagion of the control group and we find that criminal outcomes decrease in areas of UPP and in areas near treated regions. Furthermore, we build a model which allows to perform counterfactuals of this policy and to estimate causal effects in other areas of the State of Rio de Janeiro outside the city.

A prelude of a 'little army'? São Paulo police force in the early years of the Republic (1890-1895)

This article analyzes the creation and development of the São Paulo police force during the early years of the republican regime. In a period of political change and turbulence, institutional upheaval (uprising of the Navy and federalist revolution), and social pressure, São Paulo's police force played an important role. As the state sought to organize the public sphere, the police force became a tool in the new government's hands. A more martial set of demands mobilized a large portion of the troops on behalf of the federal government against the Custodio de Mello uprising, and sought to defend São Paulo's borders. Despite official discourse that fomented a militarized response, São Paulo's police force found itself unable to dismiss old personnel and practices and dislodge entrenched interests.

Amphetamine, cocaine and cannabinoids use among truck drivers on the roads in the State of Sao Paulo, Brazil

Drugs are important risk factors for traffic accidents. In Brazil, truck drivers report using amphetamines to maintain their extensive work schedule and stay awake. These drugs can be obtained without prescription easily on Brazilian roads. The use of these stimulants can result in health problems and can be associated with traffic accidents. There are Brazilian studies that show that drivers use drugs. However, these studies are questionnaire-based and do not always reflect real-life situations. The purpose of this study was to demonstrate the prevalence of drug use by truck drivers on the roads of Sao Paulo State, Brazil, during 2009. Drivers of large trucks were randomly stopped by police officers on the interstate roads during morning hours. After being informed of the goals of the study, the drivers gave written informed consent before providing a urine sample. In addition, a questionnaire concerning sociodemographic characteristics and health information was administered. Urine samples were screened for amphetamines, cocaine, and cannabinoids by immunoassay and the confirmation was performed using gas chromatography-mass spectrometry (GC-MS). Of the 488 drivers stopped, 456 (93.4%) provided urine samples, and 9.3% of them (n = 42) tested positive for drugs. Amphetamines were the most commonly found (n = 26) drug, representing 61.9% of the positive samples. Ten cases tested positive for cocaine (23.8%), and five for cannabinoids (11.9%). All drivers were male with a mean age of 40 +/- 10.8 years, and 29.3% of them reported some health problem (diabetes, high blood pressure and/or stress). A high incidence of truck drivers who tested positive for drug use was found, among other reported health problems. Thus, there is an evident need to promote a healthier lifestyle among professional drivers and a need for preventive measures aimed at controlling the use of drugs by truck drivers in Brazil. (C) 2011 Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved.

Friend of the police: Polizei in Nord-Ghana (Upper West Region) /// Arbeitspapiere / Institut für Ethnologie und Afrikastudien ; 93

Korruption, Gewalt, Machtmissbrauch – im medialen, aber auch im wissenschaftlichen Diskurs wird die afrikanische Polizei oft als dysfunktionale staatliche Institution dargestellt. Dabei erscheinen Polizisten und zivile Akteure als klar voneinander abgegrenzte Akteursgruppen, wobei die Polizisten einseitig das staatliche Gewaltmonopol durchsetzen. Ein Blick auf den Alltag polizeilichen Handelns in Nordghana eröffnet jedoch eine andere Perspektive: Wegen der niedrigen Legitimität, konkurrierenden alternativen Rechtsinstanzen und den Widersprüchen innerhalb ihrer Institution sind Polizisten mit massiven Unsicherheiten konfrontiert. Ihre Praktiken können als situative Anpassungen der Polizeiarbeit an dieses Umfeld verstanden werden. Dabei übertragen Polizisten oft Kernaufgaben ihrer Institution an zivile Akteure, die sogenannten „friends of the police“. Auch zivile Akteure verfügen jedoch durch physischen Widerstand, Beziehungen, Status und Geld über beträchtliche Beeinflussungsmöglichkeiten. Die öffentliche Ordnung ergibt sich erst aus den Verhandlungen zwischen den Polizisten und unterschiedlichen zivilen Akteuren unter Einbeziehung ihrer sozialen Ressourcen und moralischer Vorstellungen.

Iowa State Daily (April 17, 2012)

ContentsWater bottle sales cause a stirCelebrate Veishea: Attend this week's eventsReach out to help prevent discriminationTop designs to go on displayL.A. police implement bad policyISU runner seeks equal nutrition for everyone

Iowa State Daily (January 18, 2012)

ContentsSurvey collects views on areaFaculty Senate elects new president-electISU Police to train public in safety programGSB senate undergoesWhere have all the heroes gone?Piebirds present new generation of

Na 1 Nachlass Max Horkheimer, 687 - "Experimental Movie Project", "The Police and Minority Groups" u.a. (p. IX 150.1-17 - IX 152.1-2)

"Experimental Movie Project" (1945-46):; 1. "Below the Surface", Drehbuch des Testfilms, a) als Typoskript vervielfältigt, 46 Blatt, b) als Typoskript vervielfältigt, 26 Blatt, c) als Typoskript vervielfältigt, 26 Blatt, d) als Typoskript vervielfältigt, 26 Blatt "Experimental Movie Project" (1945-46): Memoranden zum Test; 2. 'Notes' 25.4.1946, Typoskript, 1 Blatt; 3. "Memorandum on Experimental Movie Project", 19.4.1946. Typoskript, 3 Blatt; 4. "Memorandum re: 'Below the Surface" (Juli 1945). Typoskript, 2 Blatt; 5. Dore Schary und Allen Rivkin: 'Memorandum, Subject: New Suggested Treatment for 'Below the Surface'", 13.7.1945. Typoskript, 2 Blatt; 6. Hans Richter: "Report about the film script 'Below the surface'", 7. u. 8.7.1945, a) Typoskript, 1 Blatt, b) Typoskript, 1 Blatt; 7. Hans Richter: Bestätigung der Vereinbarung mit dem American Jewish Committee, 3.7.1945. Typoskript, 1 Blatt; 8. "Notes and Suggestions re Experimental Motion Picture", Juni 1945. Typoskript, 2 Blatt; 9. Siegfried Kracauer; "Suggestions for the Dialogue" (4.4.1945). Typoskript, 3 Blatt; 10. "Motion Picture", März 1945. Typoskript, 5 Blatt; 11. "Project on a Test film", a) Typoskript, 4 Blatt, b) Typoskript, 5 Blatt; 12. "Memorandum re: 'Below the Surface'", a) Typoskript, 3 Blatt, b) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen von Theodor W. Adorno, 3 Blatt; "Experimental Movie Project" (1945-46): Korrespondenz zum Test-Film-Projekt:; 13. Friedrich Pollock: 1 Brief an Max Horkheimer, Santa Monica, California, 12.10.1945; 14. Theodor W. Adorno: 2 Briefe an Max Horkheimer, Los Angeles und Santa Monica, California, 1945; 15. Joseph M. Proskauer: 1 Brief von Max Horkheimer, o.O., 29.6.1945, 1 Brief mit Unterschrift an Max Horkheimer, o.O., o.D., 3 Blatt; 16. Alexander Hackenschmied, 1 Brief mit Unterschrift an Max Horkheimer, New York, 19.6.1945, 1 Blatt; 17. Gilbert Gabriel: 1 Brief von John Slawson, o.O., 22.3.1945, 2 Blatt; "The Police and Minority Groups" (1946):; 1. "The Police and Minority Groups". Typoskript, 2 Blatt; 2. Robert W. Kenny: "Police and Minority Groups - an Experiment". Als Typoskript vervielfältigt, 17 Blatt; 3. Davis McEntire, Robert B. Powers: "Police Training Bulletin. A Guide to Race Relations for Police Officers", State of California, 1946, 38 Seiten; Max Horkheimer: "Memorandum on a Study of Race Hatred in Post-War Germany" (1946):; 1. Memorandum, a) Typoskript, 8 Blatt, b) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen und handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 6 Blatt, c) Typoskript, 5 Blatt, d) Teilstück, Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 1 Blatt e) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 5 Blatt, f) Teilstück, Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 2 Blatt, g) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 7 Blatt, h) Teilstück, Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen und Ergänzungen, 1 Blatt, i) Typoskript, 2 Blatt; 2. Theodor W. Adorno: "Ad Memorandum Neumann", Manuskript, 3 Blatt;

Commercial Sexual Exploitation and Missing Children in the Coastal Region of Sao Paulo State, Brazil

The commercial sexual exploitation of children (CSEC) has emerged as one of the world’s most heinous crimes. The problem affects millions of children worldwide and no country or community is fully immune from its effects. This paper reports first generation research of the relationship that exists between CSEC and the phenomenon of missing children living in and around the coastal regions of the state of Sao Paulo, Brazil, the country’s richest State. Data are reported from interviews and case records of 64 children and adolescents, who were receiving care through a major youth serving non-governmental organization (NGO) located in the coastal city of Sao Vicente. Also, data about missing children and adolescents were collected from Police Reports – a total of 858 Police Reports. In Brazil, prostitution is not a crime itself, however, the exploitation of prostitution is a crime. Therefore, the police have no information about children or adolescents in this situation, they only have information about the clients and exploiters. Thus, this investigation sought to accomplish two objectives: 1) to establish the relationship between missing and sexual exploited children; and 2) to sensitize police and child-serving authorities in both the governmental and nongovernmental sectors to the nature, extent, and seriousness of many unrecognized cases of CSEC and missing children that come to their attention. The observed results indicated that the missing children police report are significantly underestimated. They do not represent the number of children that run away and/or are involved in commercial sexual exploitation.

50 Years Ago We Marched: What began on the grounds of Lincoln University, ended on the steps of the Alabama State Capitol

LINCOLN UNIVERSITY - On March 25, 1965, a bus loaded with Lincoln University students and staff arrived in Montgomery, Ala. to join the Selma march for racial and voting equality. Although the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was in force, African-Americans continued to feel the effects of segregation. The 1960s was a decade of social unrest and change. In the Deep South, specifically Alabama, racial segregation was a cultural norm resistant to change. Governor George Wallace never concealed his personal viewpoints and political stance of the white majority, declaring “Segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever.” The march was aimed at obtaining African-Americans their constitutionally protected right to vote. However, Alabama’s deep-rooted culture of racial bias began to be challenged by a shift in American attitudes towards equality. Both black and whites wanted to end discrimination by using passive resistance, a movement utilized by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. That passive resistance was often met with violence, sometimes at the hands of law enforcement and local citizens. The Selma to Montgomery march was a result of a protest for voting equality. The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the Southern Christian Leadership Counsel (SCLC) among other students marched along the streets to bring awareness to the voter registration campaign, which was organized to end discrimination in voting based on race. Violent acts of police officers and others were some of the everyday challenges protesters were facing. Forty-one participants from Lincoln University arrived in Montgomery to take part in the 1965 march for equality. Students from Lincoln University’s Journalism 383 class spent part of their 2015 spring semester researching the historical event. Here are their stories: Peter Kellogg “We’ve been watching the television, reading about it in the newspapers,” said Peter Kellogg during a February 2015 telephone interview. “Everyone knew the civil rights movement was going on, and it was important that we give him (Robert Newton) some assistance … and Newton said we needed to get involve and do something,” Kellogg, a lecturer in the 1960s at Lincoln University, discussed how the bus trip originated. “That’s why the bus happened,” Kellogg said. “Because of what he (Newton) did - that’s why Lincoln students went and participated.” “People were excited and the people along the sidewalk were supportive,” Kellogg said. However, the mood flipped from excited to scared and feeling intimidated. “It seems though every office building there was a guy in a blue uniform with binoculars standing in the crowd with troops and police. And if looks could kill me, we could have all been dead.” He says the hatred and intimidation was intense. Kellogg, being white, was an immediate target among many white people. He didn’t realize how dangerous the event in Alabama was until he and the others in the bus heard about the death of Viola Liuzzo. The married mother of five from Detroit was shot and killed by members of the Ku Klux Klan while shuttling activists to the Montgomery airport. “We found out about her death on the ride back,” Kellogg recalled. “Because it was a loss of life, and it shows the violence … we could have been exposed to that danger!” After returning to LU, Kellogg’s outlook on life took a dramatic turn. Kellogg noted King’s belief that a person should be willing to die for important causes. “The idea is that life is about something larger and more important than your own immediate gratification, and career success or personal achievements,” Kellogg said. “The civil rights movement … it made me, it made my life more significant because it was about something important.” The civil rights movement influenced Kellogg to change his career path and to become a black history lecturer. Until this day, he has no regrets and believes that his choices made him as a better individual. The bus ride to Alabama, he says, began with the actions of just one student. Robert Newton Robert Newton was the initiator, recruiter and leader of the Lincoln University movement to join Dr. Martin Luther King’s march in Selma. “In the 60s much of the civil rights activists came out of college,” said Newton during a recent phone interview. Many of the events that involved segregation compelled college students to fight for equality. “We had selected boycotts of merchants, when blacks were not allowed to try on clothes,” Newton said. “You could buy clothes at department stores, but no blacks could work at the department stores as sales people. If you bought clothes there you couldn’t try them on, you had to buy them first and take them home and try them on.” Newton said the students risked their lives to be a part of history and influence change. He not only recognized the historic event of his fellow Lincolnites, but also recognized other college students and historical black colleges and universities who played a vital role in history. “You had the S.N.C.C organization, in terms of voting rights and other things, including a lot of participation and working off the bureau,” Newton said. Other schools and places such as UNT, Greenville and Howard University and other historically black schools had groups that came out as leaders. Newton believes that much has changed from 50 years ago. “I think we’ve certainly come a long way from what I’ve seen from the standpoint of growing up outside of Birmingham, Alabama,” Newton said. He believes that college campuses today are more organized in their approach to social causes. “The campus appears to be some more integrated amongst students in terms of organizations and friendships.” Barbara Flint Dr. Barbara Flint grew up in the southern part of Arkansas and came to Lincoln University in 1961. She describes her experience at Lincoln as “being at Lincoln when the world was changing.“ She was an active member of Lincoln’s History Club, which focused on current events and issues and influenced her decision to join the Selma march. “The first idea was to raise some money and then we started talking about ‘why can’t we go?’ I very much wanted to be a living witness in history.” Reflecting on the march and journey to Montgomery, Flint describes it as being filled with tension. “We were very conscious of the fact that once we got on the road past Tennessee we didn’t know what was going to happen,” said Flint during a February 2015 phone interview. “Many of the students had not been beyond Missouri, so they didn’t have that sense of what happens in the South. Having lived there you knew the balance as well as what is likely to happen and what is not likely to happen. As my father use to say, ‘you have to know how to stay on that line of balance.’” Upon arriving in Alabama she remembers the feeling of excitement and relief from everyone on the bus. “We were tired and very happy to be there and we were trying to figure out where we were going to join and get into the march,” Flint said. “There were so many people coming in and then we were also trying to stay together; that was one of the things that really stuck out for me, not just for us but the people who were coming in. You didn’t want to lose sight of the people you came with.” Flint says she was keenly aware of her surroundings. For her, it was more than just marching forward. “I can still hear those helicopters now,” Flint recalled. “Every time the helicopters would come over the sound would make people jump and look up - I think that demonstrated the extent of the tenseness that was there at the time because the helicopters kept coming over every few minutes.” She said that the marchers sang “we are not afraid,” but that fear remained with every step. “Just having been there and being a witness and marching you realize that I’m one of those drops that’s going to make up this flood and with this flood things will move,” said Flint. As a student at Lincoln in 1965, Flint says the Selma experience undoubtedly changed her life. “You can’t expect to do exactly what you came to Lincoln to do,” Flint says. “That march - along with all the other marchers and the action that was taking place - directly changed the paths that I and many other people at Lincoln would take.” She says current students and new generations need to reflect on their personal role in society. “Decide what needs to be done and ask yourself ‘how can I best contribute to it?’” Flint said. She notes technology and social media can be used to reach audiences in ways unavailable to her generation in 1965. “So you don’t always have to wait for someone else to step out there and say ‘let’s march,’ you can express your vision and your views and you have the means to do so (so) others can follow you. Jaci Newsom Jaci Newsom came to Lincoln in 1965 from Atlanta. She came to Lincoln to major in sociology and being in Jefferson City was largely different from what she had grown up with. “To be able to come into a restaurant, sit down and be served a nice meal was eye-opening to me,” said Newsom during a recent interview. She eventually became accustomed to the relaxed attitude of Missouri and was shocked by the situation she encountered on an out-of-town trip. “I took a bus trip from Atlanta to Pensacola and I encountered the worse racism that I have ever seen. I was at bus stop, I went in to be served and they would not serve me. There was a policeman sitting there at the table and he told me that privately owned places could select not to serve you.” Newsom describes her experience of marching in Montgomery as being one with a purpose. “We felt as though we achieved something - we felt a sense of unity,” Newsom said. “We were very excited (because) we were going to hear from Martin Luther King. To actually be in the presence of him and the other civil rights workers there was just such enthusiasm and excitement yet there was also some apprehension of what we might encounter.” Many of the marchers showed their inspiration and determination while pressing forward towards the grounds of the Alabama Capitol building. Newsom recalled that the marchers were singing the lyrics “ain’t gonna let nobody turn me around” and “we shall overcome.” “ I started seeing people just like me,” Newsom said. “I don’t recall any of the scowling, the hitting, the things I would see on TV later. I just saw a sea of humanity marching towards the Capitol. I don’t remember what Martin Luther King said but it was always the same message: keep the faith; we’re going to get where we’re going and let us remember what our purpose is.” Newsom offers advice on what individuals can do to make their society a more productive and peaceful place. “We have come a long way and we have ways to change things that we did not have before,” Newsom said. “You need to work in positive ways to change.” Referencing the recent unrest in Ferguson, Mo., she believes that people become destructive as a way to show and vent anger. Her generation, she says, was raised to react in lawful ways – and believe in hope. “We have faith to do things in a way that was lawful and it makes me sad what people do when they feel without hope, and there is hope,” Newsom says. “Non-violence does work - we need to include everyone to make this world a better place.” Newsom graduated from Lincoln in 1969 and describes her experience at Lincoln as, “I grew up and did more growing at Lincoln than I think I did for the rest of my life.”