343 resultados para Rebellion


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This book documents and evaluates the growing consumer revolution against digital copyright law, and makes a unique theoretical contribution to the debate surrounding this issue. With a focus on recent US copyright law, the book charts the consumer rebellion against the Sonny Bono Copyright Term Extension Act 1998 (US) and the Digital Millennium Copyright Act 1998 (US). The author explores the significance of key judicial rulings and considers legal controversies over new technologies, such as the iPod, TiVo, Sony Playstation II, Google Book Search, and peer-to-peer networks. The book also highlights cultural developments, such as the emergence of digital sampling and mash-ups, the construction of the BBC Creative Archive, and the evolution of the Creative Commons. Digital Copyright and the Consumer Revolution will be of prime interest to academics, law students and lawyers interested in the ramifications of copyright law, as well as policymakers given its focus upon recent legislative developments and reform proposals. The book will also appeal to librarians, information managers, creative artists, consumers, technology developers, and other users of copyright material.

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Matti Laurila (1895 1983) This is a biographical research of a Jaeger officer, a Civil Guard Chief, a Field Commander Matti Laurila. A broader practice of qualitative methods was utilized in the research. The main aim is a permanent reconstruction and reinterpretation of past events through the experiences of the study object. The life and times of Laurila are intertwined with the crucial events that led to the Finnish Declaration of Independence. Afterwards he helped to ensure that the young republic also stayed independent. As a Jaeger in the winter of 1917 Laurila witnessed an incident he would never forget. After disobeying a direct order, Sven Saarikoski from Lapua was shot dead by his commanding officer, K. A. Ståhlberg, on the ice of the river Aa. Laurila faced the horrors of war at closer quarters, for he lost his father and his brother in the battle of Länkipohja on 16th March 1918. This battle was a major turning point for Laurila and profoundly influenced the rest of his life. The relationship between Laurila and his superiors was problematic almost throughout his military career, haunted as he was by the memory of Sven Saarikoski's execution and the losses in Länkipohja The position of Laurila as an authority in South Ostrobothnia was a key factor in preventing the extreme right from rallying enough Civil Guard troops to escalate the embryonic Mäntsälä rebellion of 1932. After the rebellion Laurila routinely opposed anything he saw as a threat to the independence of the Civil Guard. He would flatly refuse to even consider the integration of the Civil Guard into the national defence force. His uncompromising stand in this matter annoyed some among the higher ranking officers. After the Winter War Laurila got himself into a dispute with Jaeger Colonel H. E. Hannuksela that would have long-lasting consequences. The conflicts between them became widely known in the attack phase of the Continuation War in 1941 at the latest. Laurila had to give up his military career at the end of 1944. In the years that followed he did what he could to ensure that the South Ostrobothnia Civil Guard patrimony remained in the province. Laurila's position as a respected authority in South Ostrobothnia remained unchanged until his death.

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This study examined religious home education in educational, psychological, and sociological context. Growing up within a religious denomination is a process of learning the rules, norms, opinions, and attitudes, which serve to make the individual an active member of the group. It is a process of transferring the cultural inheritance between generations. Sabbathkeeping can be regarded as a strong indicator of the Seventh-day Adventist value system, which is also why I have concentrated on this specific issue in my study. The purpose of the study was to find out, how the Sabbath is transferred from parents to children among Finnish Adventists. It was also examined how parents could make the day of rest positively exceptional for children, and how the parental authoritativeness affects the process of transference. According to Bull & Lockhart s (1989) theory, the amount of Adventist generations in family history influences the transfer of religious tradition. This study aimed to find out whether or not this theory would apply to the present-day Finland. The nature of religious development among Adventist young people was also one of the interests of the research. The methods used in the study were in-depth interviews (n = 10) and a survey (n = 106). The majority of the interviewees was young adults (age 15-30) grown up in Adventist families. The interviews were taped and transcribed for the study, and survey answers were analysed with SPSS-data analysis program. The amount of survey questionnaires evaluated was 106, whole population of 15-30 year-old Finnish Adventists being about one thousand. Democratic relationship between parents and children, parents' example, encouragement to own thinking, and positive experiences of Sabbath and the whole religion, including the social dimension of the Adventism, seem to be some of the most significant factors in transference of religious tradition. Both too severe and too permissive education were considered to lead to similar results: unsuccessful transfer of values, or even rebellion and adopting a totally opposite way of life than that of the parents. In this study the amount of Adventist generations in family history does not correlate significantly with the end results of value transference. Keywords: Sabbath, intergenerational, value transference, religious home education Avainsanat: sapatti, arvojen siirtyminen vanhemmilta lapsille, uskonnollinen kotikasvatus

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This film explores the unique set of circumstances in 1970s Brisbane that fostered The Saints; the sweaty rebellion of Brisbane's oppressed youth as punk counterculture challenged QLD's notorious police force.

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The Eastern Mafia Threat policy, crime phenomena, and cultural meanings An interdisciplinary research on the crime phenomena and the threat policy relating to the organized crime and the mafia of Russia and Estonia is based on 151 expert interviews, statistics, documents, research literature, and press material. The main part of the material consists of interviews of the Finnish, Estonian and Russian police authorities specialized in the problem of organized crime, and the reports on the crime situation drawn up in the Finnish diplomatic representations in Tallinn and St Petersburg. The interviews have been gathered in the years 1996-2001. The main theoretical tools of the research are constructivist research on social problems, and political psychology. Definitional processes of social problems and cultural semantic structures behind them are identified in the analysis and connected to the analysis of the crime cases. Both in the Anglo-American and Russian cultural frames there appears an inflated and exaggerated talk, according to which the mafia rules everything in Russia and is spreading everywhere. There is the traditional anti-Semitic paranoia in the core of this cultural symbiosis produced by Russian legal nihilism, the theory of totalitarianism of Sovietology, and the inertia of Russian anti-capitalism. To equate the Sicilian Mafia with Russia is an anachronism, since no empirical proof of systematic uncontrolled violence or absolute power vacuum in Russia can be found. In the Anglo-American policy of threat images, "the Russian mafia" was seen as a commodified conspiracy theory, which the police, the media, and the research took advantage of, blurring the line between fact and fiction. In Finland, the evolution of the policy of threat images proceeded in three phases: Initially, extensive rolling of refugees and criminals from Russia to Finland was emphasized in the beginning of the 1990's. In the second phase, the eastern mafia was said to infiltrate all over Finnish society and administration. Finland was, however, found immune to this kind of spreading. In the third phase, in the 21st century, the organized crime of Finland was said to be lead from abroad. In Finland, the policy of threat images was especially canalised to moral panics connected to "eastern prostitution". In Estonia, the policy of threat images emphasized the crime organized by the Russian authorities and politicians in order to weaken Estonia. In Russia, the policy of threat images emphasized the total criminalizing of society caused by criminal capitalism. In every country, the policy of threat images was affected by a so-called large-group identity, a term by Vamik Volkan, in which a so-called chosen trauma caused a political paranoia of an outer and inner danger. In Finland, procuring, car theft, and narcotics crimes were at their widest arranged by the Finnish often with the help of the Estonians. The Russians had no influence in the most serious violent crimes in Finland, although the number of assassinations were at least 5, 000 in Russia in the 1990's. In Russia, the assassinations were on one hand connected to marital problems, on the other hand to the pursuit of public attention and a hoped-for effect by the aid of the murder of an influential person. In the white-collar crime phenomena between Finland and Russia, the Finnish state and Finnish corporations gained remarkable benefit of the frauds aimed at the states of the Soviet Union and Russia in 1980's-21st century. The situation of Estonia was very difficult compared to that of Russia in the 1990's, which was manifested in the stagnation of the Estonian police and judicial authorities, the crimes of the police and the voluntary paramilitary organization, bomb explosions, the rebellion called "the jaeger crisis" in the voluntary paramilitary organization, and the "blood autumn" of Eastern Virumaa, in other words terror. The situation of Estonia had a powerful effect on the crime situation of Finland and on the security of the Finnish diplomats. In the continuum of the Finnish policy of threat images, Russia and the Russians were, however, presented as a source of a marked danger.

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Resumen: El propósito del trabajo que presentamos a continuación es abordar la violencia como un aspecto de la construcción discursiva del rebelde musulmán y de la rebelión en al-Andalus entre los siglos VIII y X. En las elaboraciones históricas de los confl ictos sociales que marcaron la construcción del Estado omeya, los episodios violentos infl igidos a rebeldes políticos son un lugar común, pero la violencia como práctica también se encuentra presente explícita o implícitamente en el lenguaje utilizado en dichos discursos. De esta manera, nuestro análisis se centrará en aquellas palabras que contengan evaluaciones positivas o negativas de la fi gura del rebelde y de la rebelión en una de las crónicas históricas más tempranas de al-Andalus, el Ta’rīj iftitāh Al-Andalus de Ibn al-Qūtiyya.

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[ES]La sustitución de los millones por el crecimiento en el precio de la sal que Felipe IV estableció en 1631 provocó reacciones generalizadas en toda Castilla, y en particular entre las provincias que se hallaban exentas de pagarlos. Son conocidos los violentos disturbios de Vizcaya. En cambio, poco se sabe acerca de lo sucedido en las otras dos Provincias Exentas. El presente artículo analiza, en conjunto, la actitud que tanto Vizcaya como Guipúzcoa y Álava adoptaron ante el nuevo impuesto. Aunque las tres coincidieron en rechazarlo, lo hicieron mediante discursos y métodos bien diferentes. No en vano, lejos de lo que suele pensarse no gozaban de una plena equiparación fiscal ni jurídica.

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Esta dissertação surgiu a partir do desejo de contar a minha experiência como professora de Educação de Jovens e Adultos, como eu a vivi, o que aprendi e o que ainda quero descobrir. É nesta medida que, através deste trabalho, pesquisei e ouvi os relatos dos professores, pensando em suas práticas cotidianas, suas subjetividades e suas relações com os conteúdos escolares e com os saberes dos alunos, buscando identificar práticas emancipatórias em seus processos educativos cotidianos. As vozes dos alunos, tornam-se audíveis também, através das narrativas de suas vivências, que permitem, também, identificar atividades emancipatórias em meio aos seus processos de aprendizagem. Narrativas de alunos e narrativas de professores se entrelaçam criando uma trama da memória cotidiana, sobre a qual Nilda Alves (2008) chama a atenção por ser uma narrativa não linear e sujeita a diversas interrupções e introduções de outras histórias paralelas. Dessa forma, busquei fazer um entrelaçamento entre narrativas de professores e alunos, procurando tecer uma rede a partir da narrativa da vida e da literaturização da ciência.

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A Ilha Anchieta está localizada no litoral norte do Estado de São Paulo, no município de Ubatuba. Um importante sítio que apresenta em seu passado a presença de uma prisão, que perpassou múltiplas formas de encarceramento entre 1908-1955. O escopo da presente dissertação restringe-se ao período entre 1942-1955, quando era denominada Instituto Correcional da Ilha Anchieta (ICIA), tendo como momento de inflexão e reflexão uma grande rebelião prisional ocorrida em 20 de junho de 1952. A partir das pesquisas etnográfica, documental e bibliográfica realizadas, procurei entender, principalmente, como eram organizadas as redes de sociabilidade entre militares, funcionários civis, mulheres, crianças e os indivíduos privados da liberdade, que lá se encontravam encarcerados e ilhados. Durante o percurso historiográfico e micro sociológico, as relações foram sendo reveladas no plano das práticas cotidianas em escalas e perspectivas distintas, mas congruentes, que passaram a ser descritas, revelando uma intrincada malha de sociabilidade que misturava interesses e agentes variados, uma minuciosa trama de conflitos e dinâmicas sociais. O que está em voga são as fronteiras que operam nos momentos de interação social, subdivididas em cotidiano e rebelião, de como as dinâmicas sociais de um sujeito denominado Ilha Anchieta operam com a população residente e observar, principalmente, a dicotomia entre margens e Estado. A pesquisa permitiu ver como os indivíduos e as categorias operavam tanto no cotidiano, quanto no momento de evento crítico, de rebelião, levando-me a afirmar que, em momentos de ruptura, há um deslaçamento das dinâmicas previamente construídas para, no momento da ruptura, os indivíduos retornarem discursiva e praticamente às suas esferas categóricas de pertencimento, levando-me a crer que é no cotidiano e nas dinâmicas do dia a dia que as formas de nomeação e conceitualização, usualmente marginalizadas, entrelaçam-se tanto para dentro, como para fora do Estado. Desse choque surgem possibilidades de análise dos conflitos, contextos políticos e seus desdobramentos na história do sistema prisional paulista.

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Dois romances escritos em países e em contextos históricos distintos aparecem como um retrato da situação do campo através do tempo em Brasil e Portugal. O processo de união dos homens em torno de um motivo comum, a oportunidade de sobrevivência na terra através da garantia do trabalho, se transforma na luta desses contra a alienação e, posteriormente, contra a força armada que protege o Estado e o grande proprietário. As questões que envolvem a terra transcendem o caráter comumente telúrico uma vez que essa é também personagem efetivamente ativo na vida dos homens do campo. Também personagem múltiplo é esse homem, representado pelas figuras do sertanejo baiano e o camponês alentejano: guardam em si a ambiguidade da fragilidade do corpo que, justamente, se torna em sua maior força. O movimento para a luta transforma homens e terra, muda a História. Esse processo é visto e traduzido por Euclides da Cunha em Os sertões e por José Saramago em Levantado do chão. A campanha de Canudos e as lutas pelo direito ao trabalho no campo português são próximas, desse modo, por representarem ambos, sob a perspectiva dos narradores desses dois romancistas, uma análise das injustiças cometidas pelo poder do Estado contra os que nada possuem e o levantar desses por seus direitos, pela transformação do estado de coisas

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Esta tese se dedica a fazer uma análise da obra de Euclides da Cunha, publicada em 1902, Os sertões. Para tanto, toma como campos de investigação a história do pensamento social brasileiro, a história dos discursos e os saberes da psicologia de fins do século XIX, com o objetivo de examinar a semântica do conceito de psique, fundamental na construção do argumento do livro. Embora não caracterizado por sentido específico, o sistema semântico da psique pode ser compreendido no livro de Euclides através de uma regra de semelhança que se configura como regra de reflexão, isto é, tradução entre o organismo biológico e o organismo social. Na linguagem de Os sertões, como argumentamos, o psíquico se realiza como metáfora que sustenta a tradução e a regra de semelhança entre fisiologia e sociologia. Neste sentido, em reflexão com os ensaios de Hans Blumenberg e com a teoria dos sistemas de Niklas Luhmann, analisamos o livro de Euclides de modo a compreender o horizonte semântico ao redor do qual o seu psiquismo aparece sistematizado. Em Canudos, quando a ordem social republicana foi atacada, Euclides depura o argumento de que os crimes da nacionalidade derivam os seus motivos da inconsciência generalizada dos habitantes do litoral sobre as populações rurais caracterizando Canudos como um crime de consciência de onde o autor reclama para si a tarefa de vingar, isto é, tornar conhecidas as populações historicamente ignoradas, socialmente esquecidas pela civilização. A semântica da psique, nesse sentido, assume para Euclides uma técnica de observação, mas também uma hipótese política sobre as condições de sobrevivência da sociedade brasileira.

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This study, "Civil Rights on the Cell Block: Race, Reform, and Violence in Texas Prisons and the Nation, 1945-1990," offers a new perspective on the historical origins of the modern prison industrial complex, sexual violence in working-class culture, and the ways in which race shaped the prison experience. This study joins new scholarship that reperiodizes the Civil Rights era while also considering how violence and radicalism shaped the civil rights struggle. It places the criminal justice system at the heart of both an older racial order and within a prison-made civil rights movement that confronted the prison's power to deny citizenship and enforce racial hierarchies. By charting the trajectory of the civil rights movement in Texas prisons, my dissertation demonstrates how the internal struggle over rehabilitation and punishment shaped civil rights, racial formation, and the political contest between liberalism and conservatism. This dissertation offers a close case study of Texas, where the state prison system emerged as a national model for penal management. The dissertation begins with a hopeful story of reform marked by an apparently successful effort by the State of Texas to replace its notorious 1940s plantation/prison farm system with an efficient, business-oriented agricultural enterprise system. When this new system was fully operational in the 1960s, Texas garnered plaudits as a pioneering, modern, efficient, and business oriented Sun Belt state. But this reputation of competence and efficiency obfuscated the reality of a brutal system of internal prison management in which inmates acted as guards, employing coercive means to maintain control over the prisoner population. The inmates whom the prison system placed in charge also ran an internal prison economy in which money, food, human beings, reputations, favors, and sex all became commodities to be bought and sold. I analyze both how the Texas prison system managed to maintain its high external reputation for so long in the face of the internal reality and how that reputation collapsed when inmates, inspired by the Civil Rights Movement, revolted. My dissertation shows that this inmate Civil Rights rebellion was a success in forcing an end to the existing system but a failure in its attempts to make conditions in Texas prisons more humane. The new Texas prison regime, I conclude, utilized paramilitary practices, privatized prisons, and gang-related warfare to establish a new system that focused much more on law and order in the prisons than on the legal and human rights of prisoners. Placing the inmates and their struggle at the heart of the national debate over rights and "law and order" politics reveals an inter-racial social justice movement that asked the courts to reconsider how the state punished those who committed a crime while also reminding the public of the inmates' humanity and their constitutional rights.

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This essay explores the specificity of colonial violence in India. Although imperial and military historians are familiar with several instances of such violence—notably the rebellion in 1857 and the 1919 massacre at the Jallianwalla Bagh in Amritsar—there is a broader, and arguably more significant, history that has largely escaped attention. In contrast to metropolitan European states, where sovereignty derived, at least in principle, from a covenant between subjects and government, the sovereign power of the colonial state was always predicated on the violent subjugation of ‘the natives’. However, while violence was integral to colonialism, such violence was never a purely metropolitan agency: most of those recruited to serve in the colonial military were, themselves, Indian. Exploring the history of the imperial military in South Asia after 1857, the paper outlines the complex and rather ambiguous relationship between the colonial state and its ‘native armies’. RESUME Cet article se penche sur la spe´cificite´ de la violence coloniale. Malgre´ des exemples familiers—comme la grande re´volte de 1857 en Inde ou le massacre de Jallianwalla Bagh a` Amritsar en 1919—il y a une histoire plus large et plus importante qui a e´chappe´e a` l’attention des historiens. Contrairement aux e´tats europe´ens ou la souverainete´ de´rivait en principe du moins d’un contrat social entre les acteurs sociaux, le pouvoir souverain de l’e´tat colonial restait fonde´ sur la subjugation violente des indige`nes.

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This is about politics and protest, or rather about a politics of protest, and of rebellion. But it is also about creativity and the way in which theory and practice combine within the context of the ‘productive/creative’ process. In this case the combination is explicit and can be traced along a clear trajectory. The following will set out the way in which the accompanying piece of music – a cover of the 1969 protest song Leaving on a Jet Plane by Peter, Paul & Mary - came into being. In doing so it will make reference to a number of theoretical ideas/concepts that fed into the productive process and/or appeared relevant postproduction. It will draw on various aspects of thought from Heidegger (Standing reserve, Enframing and Authenticity), Camus (The Rebel), Foucault (Luminosity), and Deleuze (Immanence, Difference and Repetition and The Fold). [From the Author].

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Chapters 3 and 15 of Joyce's Ulysses exhibit glimpses of three dreams, fantasies and eventual nightmares linked to the figure of 'Haroun al Raschid.' Historically speaking, the latter was a powerful Caliph of Baghdad, a medieval potentate about whom many of the most memorable of The Thousand and One Nights or The Arabian Nights' Entertainments were once and then again spun as tales of pleasure. Joyce seizes upon the figure of 'Haroun al Raschid' as a fictive measure to articulate the 'orientalist' fantasies of Stephen Dedalus and Leopold Bloom. However, this evocative figure of Near Eastern history, of fabulous narrative and the progressively converging fantasies of two modern European literary characters is riddled with paradox. Such material provides Joyce a perceptive and proleptic sense of the paradoxes and brutal historical contradictions through which Western and Eastern dreams of theocratic nationalism, ethnic zealotry, colonial rebellion and Zionism are to be played out. W. B. Yeats' poem 'The Gift of Harun al-Raschid', written in 1923, the year after the book publication of Ulysses, provides both a fitting foil and a significant socio-historical point of reference for Joyce's own figurative use of the Caliph of Baghdad.