856 resultados para POLITICAL-PARTICIPATION
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Esta dissertação teve como objetivo identificar em que aspectos a implementação do Colegiado Territorial Norte Fluminense, proporcionou experiências de participação política em âmbito territorial. Para isso, buscou-se uma compreensão interdisciplinar da participação política. Além disso, a pesquisa empírica buscou identificar, por meio da análise de documentos oficiais do Programa Territórios da Cidadania, questionários e entrevistas qual o impacto da política sobre a participação política no espaço estudado. Foram percebidos avanços institucionais ao mesmo tempo da permanência de traços autoritários nas ações do Estado brasileiro.
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A presente dissertação busca analisar como o Campeonato Brasileiro de Clubes de Futebol – desde sua gênese - está correlacionado com o projeto político do governo militar que chegou ao poder através do golpe civil-militar de 1964. A criação do mesmo está intimamente relacionada à busca de legitimidade do regime, através do crescimento econômico e da formulação de uma intensa propaganda ufanista. A compreensão do cenário político das décadas de 1960 e 1970 é fundamental, uma vez que este tem ligações diretas com as estratégias escolhidas pelos atores envolvidos no processo de criação e consolidação do Campeonato Brasileiro, além de abrir caminhos para questionamentos sobre a relação entre eventos esportivos e seus usos por políticos, já que envolve o entendimento de fenômenos de representação . Com a falência do modelo econômico posto em prática até então, e o consequente início do projeto de distensão, eram necessários novos mecanismos de legitimação do regime, ampliando-se a participação política da população. Nestes dois momentos portanto, – de auge do crescimento econômico e de crise do regime - de forma diferenciada, o Campeonato Nacional pode ser usado para analisar tentativas de cooptação da opinião pública ou mesmo de votos. Como veremos, nem sempre esta tentativa foi bem sucedida.
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O presente trabalho investiga a possibilidade de aumentar o espectro de participação política na Administração, pela consideração de que o Estado brasileiro tem fins, objetivos a realizar e é uma democracia do tipo “procedimental-deliberativa”, em que o povo deve participar das decisões que afetem sua vida. Além disso, a realização do interesse geral só tem a ganhar em eficácia se as decisões estatais escaparem, o mais possível, da lógica tecnocrática do “segredo administrativo”, porque, graças à participação dos interessados, pelo conhecimento dos dados concretos e dos fatores humanos e técnicos que condicionam uma decisão, estes podem trazer algum elemento que a modifique, obrigando a Administração a explicar os motivos de sua ação, facilitando, assim, a execução. Por isso, estuda-se, tanto o significado do princípio democrático quanto do princípio da publicidade, as formas possíveis de participação dos cidadãos na Administração e as concretizações da publicidade administrativa em direito de saber, direito de controle e direito de participar do processo administrativo.
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O estudo discute as relações entre a participação política da sociedade civil e as políticas públicas no nível subnacional de governo. A pesquisa trata mais especificamente da relação entre a participação sindicalismo nas políticas públicas. Com isso, procura-se pensar os diversos sentidos e significados da participação do sindicato dos Metalúrgicos do ABC nas políticas públicas. O estudo encontra-se inscrito no contexto das pesquisas qualitativas, enfocando a importância da fala.
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Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo verificar se as Comissões de Legislação Participativa da Câmara dos Deputados e do Senado Federal facilitaram a participação social no processo legislativo frente ao tradicional instituto da Iniciativa Popular de lei. Essa investigação será pautada pelo estudo dogmático do processo legislativo federal; pela investigação de como a participação social está prescrita na Constituição Federal e nos Regimentos Internos das Casas do Legislativo, visando constatar como a participação política se implementa no processo de produção legislativa; ademais do estudo sobre a relação entre representação e participação. Para tanto, foi utilizada revisão bibliográfica, análise documental, levantamento de dados, estudo de caso e entrevistas. A pesquisa realizada permite afirmar que as Comissões facilitaram a participação social na produção legislativa no que se refere à eliminação de parte dos requisitos formais que a obstaculizavam via Iniciativa Popular; além de ampliar o rol dos tipos de proposições legislativas que a sociedade pode apresentar. Entretanto, esses novos mecanismos reproduziram limitações que a Iniciativa Popular apresenta, ademais de desconsiderar na sua estruturação elementos essenciais à consecução de um processo legislativo efetivamente participativo, os quais são contemplados pelo instituto tradicional, permitindo, então, afirmar que as Comissões são inovações institucionais limitadas frente ao instituto da Iniciativa Popular.
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Nesta pesquisa estudamos o caso Belo Monte – entendido como a disputa judicial sobre o Aproveitamento Hidrelétrico Belo Monte, travada no Supremo Tribunal Federal –, para saber se existe uma relação entre os discursos de desenvolvimento mobilizados pelas partes litigantes e pelo STF e a interpretação dada por esses atores para o parágrafo 3º do artigo 231 da Constituição Federal de 1988. Partimos da seguinte hipótese: interpretações que restringem os direitos de participação política dos povos e comunidades indígenas e que impõem poucas condições para o exercício da discricionariedade dos Poderes da União são acompanhadas por discursos preocupados com o desenvolvimento econômico; interpretações que reconhecem amplo direito de participação política para povos e comunidades indígenas e que impõem maiores condições para o exercício da discricionariedade dos Poderes da União não são acompanhados por discursos de desenvolvimento. Confirmando parcialmente nossa hipótese, chegamos à seguinte conclusão: em primeiro lugar, parece existir uma tendência para que, quando mobilizados discursos de desenvolvimento, a interpretação dada ao parágrafo 3º do artigo 231 da Constituição Federal imponha menos condições para o exercício da discricionariedade dos Poderes da União e reduza, ou desconsidere, os direitos de participação política dos povos e comunidades indígenas; por outro lado, alguns discursos de desenvolvimento foram mobilizados num sentido aposto, e serviram tanto para afirmar os direitos políticos de povos e comunidades indígenas, quanto para impor mais condições para o exercício da discricionariedade dos Poderes da União.
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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)
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This work aims to study the associations as mediating the process of social change and its importance for local development. The hypothesis is that associations, but bring dynamism to the smaller cities and improve the living conditions of their members, relegated to the background social sustainability, understood this as a permanent exercise of mobilization and participation in community life. The assumptions of the study are that the practice group has influenced the processes of local development in Brazilian rural municipalities through the mediation of government programs and projects aimed at combating rural poverty require social organization for their achievement. The concept of local development in this work was rescued from studies of political economy and sociology. But the concepts of collective action and partnerships advêem studies of political participation and social development of the theory of alternative or solidarity. The party consisted of an empirical case study conducted with four associations of farmers in the municipality of Portalegre-RN. Why choose qualitative study was used the technique of semi-structured interviews with the chairmen I members of associations and other actors considered essential to understanding the study (religious leaders, local political power and chairman of the union of rural workers), a total of 20 interviews, in addition to the observations of field and documentary research in records of the.ir own organizations. The survey results show that the performance of groups of farmers are key components and determinants for the production I marketing of agricultural products and for boosting the economy, as well as security for minimum levels of citizenship. Yet we are still in a space purpose of social change, which comes to confirm the initial hypothesis of this work
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The 1980s, at UFRN represented a moment of resumption of student struggles. The major goals of the student movement in this period was the fight against the authoritarian regime and for the democracy within and outside the university. In this context, events, activities, artistic and cultural productions were organized in order to make a critical policy for the procedure, trying to establish a dialogue between the university community and the population. Our work has made a research on cultural practices of the student movement in the 1980s. We did an analysis on the process of democratic transition in Brazil, the political participation of youth, their cultural practices in the country, society and politics in the RN, the student movement at UFRN and its cultural practices. We also discussed the concept of culture and cultural practices, but also pointed each of the the main activities and cultural productions organized by students of UFRN in that period. As methodological resource, were used the oral sources, the academic literature on the subject and newspaper pieces, newsletters and advertisement material of the students
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The recent democratic process in Brazil made it as element for its consolidation the idea of participation. It requires a state model that included on its agenda democratic society participation in decision-making process, and a society that has as a principle based participatory civic consciousness. Therefore, this study aims to analyze the level of political participation in two Brazilian state capitals , Natal and Porto Alegre. Data were obtained through quantitative data from the application of 384 questionnaires in both capitals. We chose some variables that will form the basis for our study; Duties of a good citizen, a good citizen rights, Confidence, Index of socialization, exposure to media, degree of interest in politics; Mobilization; Associations. Already qualitative research sought to address the political, cultural and institutional of the two municipalities
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This study reflects on the conflicts that exist between the different forms of participation and the political representation manifested by community organizations and social movements in the city of Natal/RN. The objective is to better understand the process of political participation of the popular classes and how the different actors have represented collective demands in the struggle for rights. To this end, we mapped the organizations, social movements and participation spaces, through a type of participant research, in which we had the opportunity to experience and study different forms of collective action and events instigated by the community organizations and the Movement for the Struggle in the Neighborhoods, Villages and Slums (Movimento de Luta nos Bairros, Vilas e Favelas) MLB. From the theoretical contributions of authors such as Maria da Glória Gohn, Marco Aurélio Nogueira, Virginia Fontes, Vera da Silva Telles, Roberto Da Matta and Carlos Montaño, as well as the empirical data collected, the study revealed that on representing their segments and occupying different spaces of participation, some actors have formed partnerships with the State, putting collective demands on a second plane. Contrarily, other actors have articulated their struggle around collective demands and manifested through direct action, mobilizing and asserting themselves in defense of a project for society
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The proposal of this study was to work with women in the politics, focusing on their trajectories, biographies and speeches, to catch the meanings given by themselves to their insertion in the political field. The privileged instrument of research was the autobiographical narratives of fifteen women who, in Paraíba, had participated of the electoral processes and the life partisan politics in the period from 1998 to 2008, in the state and federal scopes. This permitted us to search the dimension of their lived expericence, to understand the trajectories and the processes of autonomation of the women, in the politics. Moreover, a quantitative mapping of the feminine presence in the processes was made electoral politicians in a wider context. In a similar way, two surveys had been carried throughout the research, among others aspects, to understand that image voters and politicians they construct concerning the feminine participation in this field. These instruments were important not to lose of all the social view where these lives were developed, the places from which these women speak and locate and the social meanings originated from this participation. The research aimed to establish dialogues between knowing and fields of discipline, beyond the dichotomy of actor/structure, preventing generalizations that ignore the plurality of the individuals, to reveal some aspects of the complex and contradictory processes that involve their participation in the political field. At last, it is tried to show that, although the frequent accusations of autonomy lack, when establishing relations in the public space, the women, as all subjects, can reflect about themselves, the motives of their thoughts and their actions escaping from the servitude of the repetition and avoid being only product of the institution that formed them (CASTORIADIS, 1992, p.140-141)
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This work discuss about the transformation of public space, based on the recent challenges imposed by communication practices that are renewed and recopying of the sociocultural contexts of everyday life. The study presents theoretical and empirical reports of regional political blogs. In this issue, it looks for understand the political participation in the Internet space, examining the reconfigurations that accompany social relations and new forms of interaction that are merged in the media scene. The ambience of the study limits comments of readers in two political blogs in Rio Grande do Norte, Território Livre, and Thaisa Galvão. The observation concerns about the democratic participation of citizens in matters of collective interest, during the 2010 election. The analysis update the debate on democratic discussion and conversation everyday, trying to grasp changes in social practices in virtual platforms. From this perspective, the work restores some conceptual notions that involve the public places, identifying the changes that appear in the virtual and traditional spheres, with the emergence of new places of conversations, from the Internet usage. Are also compared to similarities and differences between the two elements of the analysis. It is possible, therefore, the communication process of the two discursive spaces with ideas from the public sphere, trying to analyze the duality between public, private, and political participation in these virtual places
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Desde muito cedo, ainda no século XIX, o Uruguai vem desenvolvendo uma política democrática baseada na educação, ao que pode ser creditado o afastamento das suas Forças Armadas da participação política. Entretanto, o sistema partidário, essencial para o desenvolvimento da democracia, não foi suficientemente forte para manter os militares completamente afastados do governo, vivendo o país momentos de militarismo. O propósito deste trabalho é repassar o processo político uruguaio destacando os momentos em que as Forças Armadas estiveram mais próximas do poder. Entende-se que compreender o desenvolvimento da política no país é essencial para, já em outro trabalho, avaliar como a educação, especialmente a oferecida às forças armadas, influencia o desenvolvimento e consolidação de uma cultura democrática.
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This paper analyzes the political participation of Social Workers at the Social Service Regional Council Region 14th. The theoretical and methodological framework of this investigation has as its perspective the totality of social life and its determining relations within the object of study. To the production, analysis and collecting of data it was used a qualitative approach considering a bibliographical and documental research as well as a series of twelve interviews with 2005-2008 and 2008-2011 managing counselors of CRESS/RN. It was also used the data obtained from other special interviews held with the social workers in the period between 2007 and 2008. The results of this study allow and affirm the political dimension of Caseworkers and the CRESS/RN as a space of political activity with opportunities for effective and collective elaboration of strategies in order to reach the fulfillment of the ethical and professional policy of the Social Work. From a historical viewpoint, the beginning of this process is marked by the struggle for democracy, the end of military dictatorship, the establishment of the State of Human Rights. The Democratization of the so called Federal Council of Social Workers and its Regional Councils of Social Workers, CFAS / CRAS, respectively, area a result of the participation of the category in an effort to fight for democratization in Brazil. The objective of this research, so, is to understand which the socio-historical determinants are, that focus objectively and subjectively in the demobilization of social workers in CRESS Region 14th - in the contemporary and historical context. Among the results obtained we identified the ignorance of some professional workers and also of some advisors, regarding the existence and the role of the Council, as well as the commercialization of Education that compromises the quality of the professional training in its theoretical and methodological, ethical and political dimensions. According to our understanding, this shows a the presence of a non-critical professional profile based on a false reality, on the precariousness of employment contracts which undermine the political organization and submit the worker to various social exploring mechanisms such as double shift and ultimately the fragility of the management of the Regional Council -, as a consequence of the offensive capitalist system that ideologically invests to stop the political organization founded in a critical and democratic perspective. The low participation of some advisors and, in general, the category in CRESS / RN, despite its objective conditions, is a reality and it is presented to us as a challenge to future managements and policy consolidation to society. Inasmuch as the category intends to guarantee the high quality of its social workers, the demands of future counselors, their skills and abilities in dealing with regulatory issues, administrative policies that pervade the everyday life of CRESS / RN are necessary