As questões habitacional e urbana na Venezuela contemporânea

Essa dissertação aborda a questão urbana e habitacional na Venezuela. Realiza-se investigação histórica sobre os principais períodos da política habitacional na Venezuela a partir de 1928 (fundação do Banco Obrero), seguida pela caracterização do programa Gran Misión Vivienda Venezuela (sob a gestão de Hugo Chávez) e dos movimentos sociais urbanos reunido em torno da plataforma do Movimiento de Pobladoras y Pobladores. Investiga-se a importância da formação das favelas e a subsequente luta pelo reconhecimento como acontecimentos fundamentais para o processo político contemporâneo na Venezuela

Cambio y orden social en Venezuela, durante el "chavismo"

En Venezuela comienza un proyecto político en el año 1998, cuando gana las elecciones el Teniente Coronel Hugo Chávez Frías. Que pretendió cambios en el sistema político corrupto, populista y clientelar. Para lo cual, en una primera etapa que denominamos Democracia Bolivariana, se da inicio a un proceso nacional constituyente, que cambió el sistema político venezolano de Democracia Representativa Liberal a Democracia Participativa y Protagónica. Un Estado federal, descentralizado, alternativo, plural, social, de derecho, con una economía social planificada, a través del Sistema Nacional de Planificación, que va desde el poder central hasta las comunidades organizadas. En una segunda etapa, en el año 2005, el mismo, Presidente Chávez, le dio cuerpo a la idea del Socialismo del Siglo XXI, como alternativa al capitalismo (salvaje neoliberal), en democracia y en busca de la igualdad social y en una tercera etapa, el gobierno desarrolla, a partir del año 2012, el concepto del Estado Comunal Bolivariano, que se basa en las organizaciones de base del llamado, por ley, Poder Popular. Cuyo objetivo, en su conjunto, es la transformación de la sociedad venezolana, para crear un hombre nuevo, humanista y socialista. A los efectos de esta investigación este tiempo político que abarca desde 1998 hasta ahora 2014, lo denominamos chavismo. Este proyecto se ha ido ejecutando en medio de una tensa lucha por el poder político, contradicciones, antagonismos y crisis económica. En efecto, está presente una sociedad que se ha ido denominando “democrática”, es decir, defiende la democracia que, según su perspectiva, se ha perdido en manos del chavismo, la cual ejecuta acciones para impedir que el gobierno se consolide...

MÍDIA E MARKETING POLÍTICO: A CAMPANHA ELEITORAL DE FERNANDO HENRIQUE CARDOSO PARA PRESIDENTE, NAS PÁGINAS DA REVISTA VEJA EM 1994

Esta dissertação tem como objetivo verificar, de acordo com o conceito de marketing político, como se deu a construção da imagem pública do ex-presidente Fernando Henrique Cardoso na revista Veja durante as eleições presidenciais de 1994. Para tanto, analisou-se 19 edições desse periódico, todas relativas ao período de junho a outubro do referido ano. Estudou-se a propaganda ideológica e suas categorias, como codificação, controle ideológico, contrapropaganda e difusão, presentes no material empírico analisado. Este trabalho desenvolveu-se à luz dos procedimentos metodológicos referentes ao Estudo de Caso enquanto tipo ou estratégia de pesquisa. Entre as técnicas para a coleta de dados, realizou-se a Análise de Conteúdo de natureza quantitativa e qualitativa dos dados pesquisados e entrevista com o próprio ex-presidente. Por meio deste estudo obteve-se os seguintes resultados: Fernando Henrique Cardoso teve o maior volume em centímetro/coluna em relação ao seu opositor, o candidato Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Em relação aos códigos utilizados nas matérias analisadas, o volume maior em centímetro/coluna ocorreu no código linguístico, significando que a revista Veja deu mais ênfase às palavras, às frases e aos parágrafos que compõem as estruturas articuladas, segundo os padrões históricos e culturais da língua portuguesa. No que diz respeito aos gêneros informativos, o volume maior em centímetro/coluna foi em reportagem, isso significa que a revista enfatizou os fatos que repercutiram e produziram efeitos na sociedade, e que foram percebidos pela revista. Concluise que as matérias publicadas fortaleceram significativamente a sua imagem perante os leitores da Veja, favorecendo-o em relação ao seu opositor, mas não chegaram a elegê-lo.(AU)

Energy security in the news:North/South perspectives

Analysis of newspaper reporting on the topic of energy security in eight countries – four from the global North (France, Germany, the UK, and the United States) and four from the global South (China, India, Brazil, and South Africa) – produces no support for the thesis that news is disseminated from core countries to the periphery and semi-periphery. There is an important difference between China and the other three fast-developing countries and a highly asymmetric flow of news not aligned to old core-periphery boundaries. In general, energy security is mainly covered in trade and business outlets and less in newspapers with mass circulation, indicating that the topic is still an elite concern. In some instances, attention has surged at the same time in different countries. But very few of these instances show a homogenous coverage across countries. Despite increasingly globalised media, news is created and consumed at a national level.

The migration crisis: representation of a border conflict in Hungarian, German and Pan-European television new coverage

In this article we review the methods used by television news channels in their reporting of the clashes between the Hungarian police and refugees at the Serbian-Hungarian border on 16th of September 2015. With the help of content analysis we examine the techniques used by each editorial board to portray events differently,resulting in dissimilar effects on recipients. During the analysis we examine news coverage for one specific day as presented by Hungarian, German and pan-European broadcasters. German news programs were chosen for comparison with Hungarian ones due to the fact that most of the refugees were heading towards Germany. We conclude that there are significant differences between the information that was broadcast according to television channels; owner expectations presumably play an important role in this.

Venezuela and Chile: Two Opposite Paths of Democratic Consolidation and Economic Development.

In the past 20 years, Chile and Venezuela have followed divergent paths of democratic and economic development. When the Cold War ended, Venezuela was one of the few Latin American countries where democracy had survived the authoritarian wave of the 1960 and 1970s. Heralded in the late 1980s as the most stable democracy and one of the most developed and globalized economies in the region, Venezuela has since experienced deterioration of democratic institutions, political polarization, economic stagnation, and instability. In contrast, Chile has experienced a democratic renaissance since 1990. Rapid economic growth, an increasingly efficient public sector, significant reductions in poverty, and improvements in social programs have all made Chile a regional leader in democratic consolidation and sustainable development. Chile emerges as a success story and Venezuela as a country lagging behind in terms of making progress in economic development and poverty reduction. While Chile has developed a democratic system based on institutions, Venezuela has seen its democracy evolve towards increasing concentration of power on the hands of President Hugo Chávez.

Race Relations & Politics in Venezuela during Punto Fijo (1958 – 1998)

In 1998, Hugo Chávez Frías’ presidential candidacy brought race to national discussion in Venezuela for first time since 1945. For long, the country’s politics had abided by the myth of racial harmony and racial democracy. This approach pointed to institutional separation in the United States and Africa as examples of true racism. Latin America was largely void of such atrocities. Nonetheless, Chávez claimed the present political parties (Acción Democrática, Copei and Unión Republicana Democrática) disenfranchised the common, colored Venezuelan. He continued to assert the opposition’s racism during his presidency. And his political fanbase agrees. A variety of scholars have studied the break from Punto Fijo politics to the Bolivarian Revolution. Yet, few have linked the obvious class struggle to race. Here, I seek to explain how racial identity has shaped class identity in Venezuela by closely examining the Punto Fijo era (1958-1998). The essay begins with an overview of historical race relations, moving to the period in focus. Then, I examine systematic and institutional exclusion under Punto Fijo politics. The object is to understand the merit of Chávez���s racial claims since 1998. Hence, the study also sees democracy in action and the consequences of racial exclusion. The study will be accomplished through secondary research, considering the limitations brought by working abroad. In the end, this study serves as first step in analyzing the fall of what was once considered Latin America’s most durable democracy.

Race Relations & Politics in Venezuela during Punto Fijo (1958 – 1998)

In 1998, Hugo Chávez Frías’ presidential candidacy brought race to national discussion in Venezuela for first time since 1945. For long, the country’s politics had abided by the myth of racial harmony and racial democracy. This approach pointed to institutional separation in the United States and Africa as examples of true racism. Latin America was largely void of such atrocities. Nonetheless, Chávez claimed the present political parties (Acción Democrática, Copei and Unión Republicana Democrática) disenfranchised the common, colored Venezuelan. He continued to assert the opposition’s racism during his presidency. And his political fanbase agrees. A variety of scholars have studied the break from Punto Fijo politics to the Bolivarian Revolution. Yet, few have linked the obvious class struggle to race. Here, I seek to explain how racial identity has shaped class identity in Venezuela by closely examining the Punto Fijo era (1958-1998). The essay begins with an overview of historical race relations, moving to the period in focus. Then, I examine systematic and institutional exclusion under Punto Fijo politics. The object is to understand the merit of Chávez���s racial claims since 1998. Hence, the study also sees democracy in action and the consequences of racial exclusion. The study will be accomplished through secondary research, considering the limitations brought by working abroad. In the end, this study serves as first step in analyzing the fall of what was once considered Latin America’s most durable democracy.

EDUCATING THE PUBLIC THROUGH NEWS MEDIA: CASE STUDIES OF NEWS LITERACY IN THE NEW MEDIA LANDSCAPE

Two decades of unprecedented changes in the media landscape have increased the complexity of informing the public through news media. With significant changes to the way the news industry does business and the way news consumers access this information, a new set of skills is being proposed as essential for today’s news consumer. News literacy is the use of critical thinking skills to assess the reliability and source of the information that people consume on a daily basis, as well as fostering self-awareness of personal news consumption habits and how it can create audience bias. The purpose of this study was to examine how adults experience the news in their everyday lives and to describe the nature of the news literacy skills people employ in their daily news consumption. This study purposefully selected four adults who have completed high school, and who regularly consume news information across a number of platforms, both traditional and digital. Two of the participants, one man and one woman, were over 50 years old. One other male participant was in his 30’s and the final participant, a young woman, was in her 20’s. They all utilized both traditional and digital media on a regular basis and all had differing skill levels when using social media for information. Their news experiences were documented by in-depth interviews and the completion of seven daily news logs. In their daily logs the participants differentiated news information from other information available on-line but the interviews revealed a contradiction between their intentions and their news consumption practices. All four participants had trouble distinguishing between news and opinion pieces in the news information realm. In addition all but one seemed unaware of their personal bias and any possible effect it was having on their news consumption. Further research should explore the benefits of an adult-centered news literacy curriculum on news consumers similar to the participants, and should examine the development of audience bias and its relationship to the daily exposure people have to the torrent of information that is available to them on a daily basis.

Investigative journalism in Mexico: between ideals and realities. The case of Morelia

The aim of this paper is to analyse the state of the investigative journalism in Mexico, especially the one that is practiced at the local level in the provinces. That is, this research is based upon a case study conducted in Morelia, the capital city of the state of Michoacán. The empirical evidence will show that there is an evident divergence regarding the practice of the investigative journalism: on the one hand, journalists are aware of what this concept involves and they consider that they practice it on a regular basis; but, on the other, the content analysis prove otherwise. In other words, the account of what is actually printed significantly differs from the news workers’ perceptions, because the former shows a poorly developed journalistic investigation practice.

O poder da imagem: uma imagem da adequação da imagem de Lula aos media em campanhas presidenciais

Dissertação apresentada para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção do grau de Mestre em Ciências da Comunicação - Comunicação Estratégica

Launch plan for a new magazine for Pangea Lda. Company

A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Management from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics

A TV do Mundial

No último ano da primeira década do século XXI, quase a entrar na era da televisão digital, importa saber que modelo de TV existe em Portugal. A análise da programação informativa destinada a acompanhar o Campeonato do Mundo de Futebol 2010 ajudará, decerto, a encontrar respostas. Neste artigo, apresentamos um estudo que incidiu em formatos informativos sobre este grande evento mediático, emitidos nos canais generalistas e temáticos entre os dias 11 de Junho e 11 de Julho de 2010 (datas de arranque e fecho do Mundial de Futebol da África do Sul). Essa análise, que incidiu em 604 emissões, procurou conhecer as formas de integração do telespectador nas emissões televisivas e quem foi chamado aos estúdios televisivos para participar nos debates aí promovidos. Os dados apurados demonstram claramente que esta TV do Mundial continua pouco aberta à participação do público e circunscrita a um grupo restrito de convidados, a maior parte dos quais oriundos da classe jornalística. Não é possível falar-se numa terceira fase do audiovisual. A hiper-televisão pode esperar.

The Relationship between Media and Political Agendas : Variations across Decision-Making Phases

Previous studies have demonstrated that the extent to which media coverage influences the issue priorities of policy makers is contingent on the type of issue, media, and political agenda. This article contends that the relationship between media and political agendas varies across the phases of the decision-making process. Based on a comprehensive dataset on issue attention in media coverage and various policy-making channels covering the years 1996-2003, the article analyses the level of media coverage and, more importantly, the distribution and correspondence of issue attention between media and political agendas across the four successive phases of the decision-making process (initiation, preparatory, parliamentary, and referendum phases) in Switzerland. Despite inversely distributed levels of attention for successive decision-making phases, both media and political agendas are concentrated on fewer issues in the initiation and referendum phases, and they are more strongly correlated in the most decisive stages of the process, that is, the preparatory and referendum phases.

The Coverage of the European independence movements from a Canadian perspective: Comparisons of the francophone online press in Quebec with the English Canadian press on the independence movements in Scotland and Catalonia

This research paper provides the basis of a future doctoral thesison the construction of foreign news. We aim to highlight similarities and differences in the online news coverage of the nationalist movments in Scotland and Catalonia in the Canadian Anglophone and Francophone press. Through a qualitative and quantitative content analysis of The Montreal Gazette, The National Post, The Globe and Mail, Le Devoir and La Presse, we attempt to show the frames used in the coverage of the political developments in both “stateless regions” from January 2011 to September 2014, when a referendum on the constitutional status of Scotland has beenagreed on. In parallel to the analysis of daily online newspapers, we will use semi-structured interviews of journalists from each news organization to obtain more in-depth knowledge of the factors influencing the construction of news. Lastly, we want to find out to the extent to which the coverage on the nationalist movements in Scotland and Catalonia serve to revive the debate on the independence question of Québec