The importance of the relevance of the issue to the group in voting intentions: The case of the Australian republic referendum

A questionnaire was distributed on the Australian republic issue to examine the interplay between norms and relevance of the issue to the group on voting intentions. Supporters of an Australian republic (N = 188) indicated the level of support for a republic within their peer Group, the relevance of the republic issue to the group, and measures designed to assess voting intentions and other attitude outcomes. Analysis revealed an interaction between normative support and relevance of the issue to the group. On the measure of intention, increasing normative support was associated with increased intention to vote in an attitude-consistent way at both relevance levels, but the effect was heightened when the issue was highly relevant to the group. On the outcomes of willingness to express opinion and perceived personal importance of the republic issue, normative support had a positive effect only when the issue was highly relevant to the group. Mediation analyses revealed that the impact of normative support and group relevance on intention were mediated through perceived personal importance of the republic issue.

Grumbling, voting, demonstrating, and rioting: ''Rationality'' and decision-making in intergroup conflict

An individual faced with intergroup conflict chooses A from a vast array of possible actions, ranging from grumbling among ingroup friends to voting and demonstrating to rioting and revolution. The present paper conceptualises these intergroup choices as rationally shaped by perceptions of the benefits and costs associated with the action (expectancy-value processes). However, in presenting a model of agentic normative influence, it is argued that in intergroup contexts group-level costs and benefits play a critical role in individuals' decision-making. In the context of English-French conflict in Quebec, in Canada, four studies provide evidence that group-level costs and benef influence individuals' decision-making in intergro conflict; that the individual level of analysis need mediate the group level of analysis; that group-level co and benefits mediate the relationship between soc identity and intentions to engage in collective action; a that perceptions of outgroup and ingroup norms for inte group behaviours are relatively invariant and predictal related to perceptions of the group- and individual-le, benefits and costs associated with individualistic vers collective actions. By modelling the relationship betwe group norms and group-level costs and benefits, soc psychologists may begin to address the processes th underlie identity-behaviour relationships in collecti action and intergroup conflict.

Az ellenzék ereje - általánosított súlyozott szavazási játékok (Minority power - generalized weighted voting games)

A hagyományos szavazási játékok speciális átruházható hasznosságú, kooperatív játékok, úgynevezett egyszerű játékok, ahol a játékosok a pártok, és az egyes koalíciók értéke 1 vagy 0 attól függően, hogy az adott koalíció elég erős-e az adott jogszabály elfogadásához, vagy sem. Ebben a cikkben bevezetjük az általánosított súlyozott szavazási játékok fogalmát, ahol a pártok mandátumainak száma a valószínűségi változó. Magyar példákon keresztül mutatjuk be az új megközelítés használhatóságát. / === / Voting games are cooperative games with transferable utility, so-called simple games, where the players are parties and the value of a coalition may be 0 or 1 depending on its ability to pass a new law. The authors introduce the concept of generalized weighted voting games where the parties' strengths are random variables. taking examples from Hungary to illustrate the use of this approach.

Választókörzetek igazságosan? = Fair apportionment of voting districts in Hungary

Az új választási törvény egyik célja a korábbinál igazságosabb választási körzetek kialakítása. Ezt a Velencei Bizottság választási kódexében megfogalmazott ajánlásokhoz hasonló, bár azoknál némileg megengedőbb szabályok révén biztosítja. A szabályok rögzítik a körzetek számát, illetve hogy a körzetek nem oszthatnak ketté kisebb településeket, és nem nyúlhatnak át a megyehatárokon. Tanulmányunkban belátjuk, hogy a szabályok betartása mellett a körzetek kialakítása matematikailag lehetetlen. Javaslatot teszünk a probléma optimális megoldására elvi alapon is, vizsgáljuk a módszer tulajdonságait, majd az általunk megfogalmazott hatékony algoritmussal, a 2010. évi országgyűlési választások adatainak felhasználásával meghatározzuk a körzetek megyék közti elosztásának legjobb megoldását. Végül kitérünk a demográfiai változások várható hatásaira, és több javaslatot teszünk a korlátok hosszú távú betartására: javasoljuk a választási körzetek számának körülbelül 130-ra növelését; egy-egy felülvizsgálat alkalmával a választási körzetek számának megváltoztathatóságát; illetve a körzetek megyék helyett régiók szerinti szervezését. _______ One of the aims of the new electoral law of Hungary has been to apportion voters to voting districts more fairly. This is ensured by a set of rules rather more permissive than those put forward in the Code of Good Practice in Electoral Matters issued by the Venice Commission. These rules fix the size of the voting districts, and require voting districts not to split smaller towns and villages and not to cross county borders. The article shows that such an apportionment is mathematically impos-sible, and makes suggestions for a theoretical approach to resolving this problem: determine the optimal apportionment by studying the properties of their approach, and use the authors efficient algorithm on the data for the 2010 national elections. The article also examines the expected effect of demographic changes and formulates recommendations for adhering to the rules over the long term: increase the number of voting districts to about 130, allow the number of voting districts to change flexibly at each revision of the districts, and base the districts on regions rather than counties.

Voting with their feet: Migration, partisanship, and party-safe elections in Florida

Political scientists have long noted that Congressional elections are often uncompetitive, often extremely so. Many scholars argue that the cause lies in the partisan redistricting of Congressional districts, or “gerrymandering”. Other scholars emphasize polarization created by a fragmented news media, or the candidate choices made by a more ideological primary electorate. All these explanations identify the cause of party-safe elections in institutions of various kinds. This dissertation, by contrast, presents a structural explanation of uncompetitive elections. My theory is that population composition and patterns of migration are significant causes and predictors of election results in Florida. I test this theory empirically by comparing the predictions from four hypotheses against aggregate data, using the county as the unit of analysis. The first hypothesis is that Florida can be divided into clearly distinguishable, persistent partisan sections. This hypothesis is confirmed. The second hypothesis is that Florida voters have become increasingly partisan over time. This hypothesis is confirmed. The third hypothesis is that the degree of migration into a county predicts how that county will vote. This hypothesis is partially confirmed, for the migration effect appears to have waned over time. The last hypothesis is that the degree of religiosity of a county population is a predictor of how that county will vote. This hypothesis is also supported by the results of statistical analysis. By identifying the structural causes of party-safe elections, this dissertation not only broadens our understanding of elections in Florida, but also sheds light on the current polarization in American politics.

The integrated use of simulation and PRS voting systems

Peer reviewed

The integrated use of simulation and PRS voting systems

Peer reviewed