Euro-enthusiasm, Euro-rejection, and various shades of grey: The 2014 European Parliament election campaign in the Netherlands. EPIN Commentary No. 18, 29 April 2014

With less than a month to go to the European Parliament (EP) election in the Netherlands on May 22nd, the campaign has barely kicked off. It remains to be seen whether the campaign will address concrete EU policies in a palatable way and whether all parties are able to present clear visions about the future of the European Union. The traditional mainstream parties (the Christian Democratic CDA, Liberal VVD and Social Democratic PvdA) all agree that EU membership is essentially beneficial to the Netherlands, but are careful to stress the shortcomings of the EU in its present form. The parties outside the traditional three that can be expected to do well adopt a more outspoken position on European integration. These include the pro-European Democrats 66 (D66), the Eurosceptic Socialist Party (SP), and the Euroreject Freedom Party (PVV). Yet, reasons for their success should probably not be sought mainlyin their positions on European integration, but rather more in the unpopularity of the incumbent parties and the „second order‟ character of EP elections.

Paixão empreendedora: neoliberalismo, capital humano e processos seletivos de trainees

O neoliberalismo, do ponto de vista econômico e social, pode ser entendido como a instauração, na sociedade, de relações estritamente mercantis, fazendo com que a lógica da maximização do ganho e do rendimento seja estendida a todos os campos, promovendo a racionalidade econômica como forma de racionalidade em geral. A forma de governamentalidade neoliberal norte-americana, com sua pretensão de transmutar os indivíduos em sujeitos-microempresas e as relações humanas em relações de tipo concorrencial, faz com que os indivíduos passem a ser vistos como “capital humano”. Originalmente, o termo “capital humano” remete a uma teoria que, desenvolvida sob influência do paradigma econômico neoclássico e liderança de Theodore Schultz, foi responsável por assimilar e transferir princípios econômicos para uma realidade anteriormente isenta de significados dessa natureza, fazendo emergir um discurso que associa o humano ao capital, transportando-o, dessa forma, para uma lógica onde ele deve gerir a si mesmo, tal como uma empresa. A empresa é, assim, promovida a modelo de subjetivação, sendo cada indivíduo um capital a ser gerenciado e valorizado conforme as demandas do mercado. É por isso que o modelo de conduta empreendedora, advindo do discurso do capital humano de inspiração neoliberal e de teorias clássicas propostas por Werner Sombart e Joseph A. Schumpeter, acomete os profissionais das organizações sediadas nos países capitalistas. Esse fato é bastante expressivo entre os jovens que procuram inserir-se no mercado de trabalho, principalmente em posições estratégicas valorizadas dentro das organizações, como as de trainee. No Brasil, os programas de trainee são considerados uma estratégia de busca de atração de jovens com perfil diferenciado, sendo uma resposta encontrada por muitas organizações desde 1970 para ganhar vantagem em um cenário econômico altamente competitivo. Esses profissionais são vistos como os “talentos” da organização, sendo treinados para ocuparem cargos estratégicos em um curto espaço tempo. A fim de esclarecer de que maneira o modelo de conduta empreendedora está presente nos processos seletivos de trainee, foi realizada uma análise dos textos que descrevem as competências exigidas na seleção desses jovens, a partir da Análise Crítica do Discurso (ACD) de Fairclough (2001, 2003), a partir das categorias analíticas “modalidade” e “avaliação”, e reflexões acerca da ideologia neoliberal. Chegou-se à conclusão de que o modelo de conduta empreendedora que está presente nos processos seletivos de trainee é marcada pela expressão de um comportamento apaixonado, que, no campo do management, é entendido a partir do conceito de “paixão empreendedora”. A pesquisa desenvolvida é relevante para o campo da Administração, tanto para o campo acadêmico (uma vez que há poucos estudos que têm como objeto de pesquisa a seleção de trainees e que procuram entendê-lo a partir de um viés crítico utilizando-se da análise do discurso do capital humano), como para quem está inserido nas organizações e convive com as dificuldades e desafios de selecionar jovens para programas de trainees, já que levanta questões importantes sobre os impactos dessas iniciativas tanto para os jovens, como para as organizações que os contratam.

Feminism and Anti-Feminism in Harmony? : A Critical Discourse Analysis of Postfeminism in Women's Magazines

This essay investigates postfeminist discourses in women’s magazines with the use of Fairclough’s (2014) critical discourse analysis (CDA). Additionally, it presents consumers’ perceptions of women’s magazines in order to explore how women’s magazines might influence readers’ constructions of identity. Postfeminism is mainly defined by Gill (2007, 2009) and McRobbie (2004) as an idea of feminism and antifeminism combined with the use of neoliberal views. Previous research conducted between 1990 and 2009 has stated that women’s magazines follow a postfeminist discourse and therefore give a contradictory message to their readers, emphasising the importance of individuality and empowerment as well as promoting a traditional feminine image. The magazines analysed in this essay were the January 2016 issue of Elle Magazine US and the February 2016 issue of Elle Magazine UK. The magazines follow a postfeminist discourse, and it is constructed with the use of wording and modality. To complement the CDA, an interview with a target group of women’s magazine readers was conducted. Findings indicate that the magazines both largely follow a postfeminist discourse, constructed through the use of rhetorical features such as wording and modality, and readers believe magazines affect their identity construction negatively. The article is concluded with a discussion on what the aim of a postfeminist discourse is.

YouTube - en främjare av demokrati eller demokratism? : En fallstudie i svenska riksdagspartiers politiska kommunikation på YouTube

Bakgrunden till studien är att Sverigedemokraterna kom in i riksdagen vid valet 2014. De sägs även vara mest aktiva på sociala medier av partierna, samtidigt som användningen av dessa medier som kanalen YouTube är vanligt för alla partier att sprida sin politiska kommunikation. Vårt syfte består av flera delar: dels att undersöka riksdagspartiernas YouTube-användning; dels att analysera text, diskursiv- och social praktik i politiska kommunikation hos partier med öppna kommentarfält. För att studera detta använder vi begreppen  “det goda samhället” och demokratism med avsikten att förstå och problematisera politisk kommunikationen på YouTube utifrån ett demokratiskt perspektiv. Teoretisk ram är Arthos (etisk propagandaanvändning), Calderaro (web 2.0s demokratifrämjande), Dahlgren (“det goda samhället” och demokratism), Ekman (extremhögergruppers YouTube-användning), Falkheimer & Heide (historisk överblick av strategisk kommunikaiton), Giansante (demokrati i social medier), Halpern & Gibbs (politiska diskussioner i kommentarfält) och Neumayer (politiskt oliktänkandes diskussion i kommentarfält). Materialet är alla åtta riksdagspartiers (Vänsterpartiet, Socialdemokraterna, Miljöpartiet, Centerpartiet, Kristdemokraterna, Liberalerna, Nya Moderaterna och Sverigedemokraterna) YouTube-kanaler med  kommentarfält och tre filmer och deras kommentarfält. Filmerna är en valfilm från 2014 från både Centern respektive Vänstern samt en reklamfilm från 2015 från SD. Metoden för analysen av YouTube-kanalerna och kommentarerna är en liten översiktlig kvantitativ deskriptiv innehållsanalys, medan den djupgående analysen av filmer och kommentarfält är Faircloughs kvalitativa kritiska diskursanalys kompletterad med semiotisk analys. Resultatet visar att äldre och stora har sedan 2014 många stängda fält och lägre videouppladdningsfrekvens, medan yngre och mindre partier generellt sedan 2014 har många öppna fält och hög videouppladdningsfrekvens. Av de tre undersökta partiernas filmer och fält tillåter minst två av dem kritisk dialog mellan politiskt oliktänkande i dessa vilket främjar demokratin. Slutsatsen är då att YouTube bidrar till utvecklingen av politisk kommunikation mot det demokratiskt goda samhället.

Agency as discursive practice: From nobody to somebody as an international student in Australia

As more and more students pursue an international education, there is a need to investigate how these students deal with the demands of their study programs in the new academic context. This paper introduces one such student, a Thai English teacher named Woody,2 and looks at the ways that he engaged with a Master of Education program in Australia. I analyse the transcripts of two interviews that I conducted with Woody in his first semester using Fairclough's model of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). The analysis is interested in the social and institutional demands that Woody identified as impacting on the course, and the strategic action that he took in response to them. I argue that by undertaking this action, Woody was “working” as an agent of his own change. The analysis highlights a proactive and strategic engagement on Woody's part, a point that has been missed in much of the literature on the international student experience in Australia.

O MOVIMENTO DIRETAS JÁ PELA ÓTICA DE JANIO DE FREITAS NA FOLHA DE S.PAULO

O presente trabalho verificou como o jornalismo pode ser parceiro e fonte para a história por meio da reprodução e análise dos fatos político-econômicos brasileiros nas páginas dos jornais impressos diários. Nessa perspectiva, as colunas escritas nos últimos 25 anos (1983-2009) por Janio de Freitas, no jornal Folha de S.Paulo, significam interpretação e análise dessa história. Trata-se, portanto, de uma pesquisa qualitativa e está ancorada nos Estudos Culturais. O corpus desta pesquisa é composto de um recorte de 47 comentários sobre as Diretas Já , de janeiro até abril de 1984, período em que ocorreram as principais mobilizações da sociedade civil pela eleição direta para a Presidência da República e culminou com a votação e a rejeição da emenda Dante de Oliveira pelo Congresso Nacional. No desenvolvimento do trabalho foram utilizadas as ferramentas da Análise de Conteúdo a partir das categorias analíticas criadas Personagens, Votação da Emenda Dante de Oliveira e Movimento Diretas Já nas ruas , para descrever o conteúdo textual das colunas. Para que se pudesse efetuar uma análise aprofundada do corpus da pesquisa foi utilizado o referencial teórico da ACD Análise Crítica do Discurso em nove das 47 colunas selecionadas. O critério de escolha para essas colunas foi a identificação daquelas que no título já traziam uma referência explícita à Campanha pelas Diretas Já , Às mobilizações nas ruas , A votação da emenda Dante de Oliveira , Ao processo de sucessão presidencial ou as que tinham o seu conteúdo integral sobre um dos temas. Este estudo constata a hipótese de que o jornalista é um historiador do cotidiano e que é possível fazer uma leitura da história da Campanha das Diretas Já por meio das colunas de Janio de Freitas. Ao tecer em suas colunas o cenário da época, desnuda para a história e para os historiadores o xadrez político personagens, acordos políticos, votação da emenda e a campanha nas ruas que envolveu o processo. Dessa forma, a partir de suas lentes, oferece elementos para a construção da memória coletiva sobre esse período da história brasileira.(AU)

The dynamics of power and resistance in police interview discourse

This is a study of police interviewing using an integrated approach, drawing on CA, CDA and pragmatics. The study focuses on the balance of power and control, finding that in particular the institutional status of the participants, the discursive roles assigned to them by the context, and their relative knowledge, are significant factors affecting the dynamics of the discourse. Four discursive features are identified as particularly significant, and a detailed analysis of the complex interplay of these features shows that power and control are constantly under negotiation, and are always open to challenge and resistance. Further it is shown that discursive dominance is not necessarily advantageous to participants, due to the specific goals and purposes of the police interview context. A wider consideration of the context illustrates the contribution that linguistics can make to the use of police interview data as evidence in the UK criminal justice system.

Feminist Post-structuralist discourse analysis: a new theoretical and methodological approach?

This chapter serves three very important functions within this collection. First, it aims to make the existence of FPDA better known to both gender and language researchers and to the wider community of discourse analysts, by outlining FPDA’s own theoretical and methodological approaches. This involves locating and positioning FPDA in relation, yet in contradistinction to, the fields of discourse analysis to which it is most often compared: Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and, to a lesser extent, Conversation Analysis (CA). Secondly, the chapter serves a vital symbolic function. It aims to contest the authority of the more established theoretical and methodological approaches represented in this collection, which currently dominate the field of discourse analysis. FPDA considers that an established field like gender and language study will only thrive and develop if it is receptive to new ways of thinking, divergent methods of study, and approaches that question and contest received wisdoms or established methods. Thirdly, the chapter aims to introduce some new, experimental and ground-breaking FPDA work, including that by Harold Castañeda-Peña and Laurel Kamada (same volume). I indicate the different ways in which a number of young scholars are imaginatively developing the possibilities of an FPDA approach to their specific gender and language projects.

Discourse-analytic approaches to text and talk

This chapter explores the different ways in which discourse-analytic approaches reveal the ‘meaningfulness’ of text and talk. It reviews four diverse approaches to discourse analysis of particular value for current research in linguistics: Conversation Analysis (CA), Discourse Analysis (DA), Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and Feminist Post-structuralist Discourse Analysis (FPDA). Each approach is examined in terms of its background, motivation, key features, and possible strengths and limitations in relation to the field of linguistics. A key way to schematize discourse-analytic methodology is in terms of its relationship between microanalytical approaches, which examine the finer detail of linguistic interactions in transcripts, and macroanalytical approaches, which consider how broader social processes work through language (Heller, 2001). This chapter assesses whether there is a strength in a discourse-analytic approach that aligns itself exclusively with either a micro- or macrostrategy, or whether, as Heller suggests, the field needs to fi nd a way of ‘undoing’ the micro–macro dichotomy in order to produce richer, more complex insights within linguistic research.

Who is really in charge of contemporary education? People and technologies in, against and beyond the neoliberal university

This article reflects on the position of people in, against and beyond information and communication technologies. Firstly, using Jandrić and Kuzmanić’s work on digital postcolonialism, Raymond Williams's work on residual and emergent cultures, and Deleuze and Guattari's insights into the dynamics between territorialization, de-territorialization and re-territorialization, it develops a theoretical framework for inquiry into the hybrid identity of the contemporary university. Then, through critical discourse analysis (CDA), the article moves on to analyse the ways in which technology discourse resides in the dominating ideology of technological determinism and co-opts with neoliberal agendas by omitting humans from explicit mention in UK policy documents. It shows that true counter-hegemonic practice against dominating social practices is possible only through reinvigorating the central position of human beings in regards to information and communication technologies. Within the developed theoretical framework, it seeks openings to intervene subversively into current relationships between technologies, people, and (higher) education, and to identify opportunities for building a non-determinist identity of the contemporary university that reaches beyond the single-minded logic of techno-scientific development. In the process, it situates Paulo Freire's insights into critical pedagogy in the context of the network society, and places the relationships between human beings, language and information and communication technologies amongst central questions of today's (higher) education and society at large.

The political discourse and material practice of technology enhanced learning

Technology discloses man’s mode of dealing with Nature, the process of production by which he sustains his life, and thereby also lays bare the mode of formation of his social relations, and of the mental conceptions that flow from them (Marx, 1990: 372) My thesis is a Sociological analysis of UK policy discourse for educational technology during the last 15 years. My framework is a dialogue between the Marxist-based critical social theory of Lieras and a corpus-based Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) of UK policy for Technology Enhanced Learning (TEL) in higher education. Embedded in TEL is a presupposition: a deterministic assumption that technology has enhanced learning. This conceals a necessary debate that reminds us it is humans that design learning, not technology. By omitting people, TEL provides a vehicle for strong hierarchical or neoliberal, agendas to make simplified claims politically, in the name of technology. My research has two main aims: firstly, I share a replicable, mixed methodological approach for linguistic analysis of the political discourse of TEL. Quantitatively, I examine patterns in my corpus to question forms of ‘use’ around technology that structure a rigid basic argument which ‘enframes’ educational technology (Heidegger, 1977: 38). In a qualitative analysis of findings, I ask to what extent policy discourse evaluates technology in one way, to support a Knowledge Based Economy (KBE) in a political economy of neoliberalism (Jessop 2004, Fairclough 2006). If technology is commodified as an external enhancement, it is expected to provide an ‘exchange value’ for learners (Marx, 1867). I therefore examine more closely what is prioritised and devalued in these texts. Secondly, I disclose a form of austerity in the discourse where technology, as an abstract force, undertakes tasks usually ascribed to humans (Lieras, 1996, Brey, 2003:2). This risks desubjectivisation, loss of power and limits people’s relationships with technology and with each other. A view of technology in political discourse as complete without people closes possibilities for broader dialectical (Fairclough, 2001, 2007) and ‘convivial’ (Illich, 1973) understandings of the intimate, material practice of engaging with technology in education. In opening the ‘black box’ of TEL via CDA I reveal talking points that are otherwise concealed. This allows me as to be reflexive and self-critical through praxis, to confront my own assumptions about what the discourse conceals and what forms of resistance might be required. In so doing, I contribute to ongoing debates about networked learning, providing a context to explore educational technology as a technology, language and learning nexus.

A sphere of resonance for networked learning in the ‘non-places’ of our universities

The logic of ‘time’ in modern capitalist society appears to be a fixed concept. Time dictates human activity with a regularity, which as long ago as 1944, George Woodcock referred to as The Tyranny of the Clock. Seventy years on, Hartmut Rosa suggests humans no longer maintain speed to achieve something new, but simply to preserve the status quo, in a ‘social acceleration’ that is lethal to democracy. Political engagement takes time we no longer have, as we rush between our virtual spaces and ‘non-places’ of higher education. I suggest it’s time to confront the conspirators that, in partnership with the clock, accelerate our social engagements with technology in the context of learning. Through Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) I reveal an alarming situation if we don’t. With reference to Bauman’s Liquid Modernity, I observe a ‘lightness’ in policy texts where humans have been ‘liquified’ Separating people from their own labour with technology in policy maintains the flow of speed a neoliberal economy demands. I suggest a new ‘solidity’ of human presence is required as we write about networked learning. ‘Writing ourselves back in’ requires a commitment to ‘be there’ in policy and provide arguments that decelerate the tyranny of time. I am though ever-mindful that social acceleration is also of our own making, and there is every possibility that we actually enjoy it.

Counting on use of technology to enhance learning

In global policy documents, the language of Technology-Enhanced Learning (TEL) now firmly structures a perception of educational technology which ‘subsumes’ terms like Networked Learning and e-Learning. Embedded in these three words though is a deterministic, economic assumption that technology has now enhanced learning, and will continue to do so. In a market-driven, capitalist society this is a ‘trouble free’, economically focused discourse which suggests there is no need for further debate about what the use of technology achieves in learning. Yet this raises a problem too: if technology achieves goals for human beings, then in education we are now simply counting on ‘use of technology’ to enhance learning. This closes the door on a necessary and ongoing critical pedagogical conversation that reminds us it is people that design learning, not technology. Furthermore, such discourse provides a vehicle for those with either strong hierarchical, or neoliberal agendas to make simplified claims politically, in the name of technology. This chapter is a reflection on our use of language in the educational technology community through a corpus-based Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). In analytical examples that are ‘loaded’ with economic expectation, we can notice how the policy discourse of TEL narrows conversational space for learning so that people may struggle to recognise their own subjective being in this language. Through the lens of Lieras’s externality, desubjectivisation and closure (Lieras, 1996) we might examine possible effects of this discourse and seek a more emancipatory approach. A return to discussing Networked Learning is suggested, as a first step towards a more multi-directional conversation than TEL, that acknowledges the interrelatedness of technology, language and learning in people’s practice. Secondly, a reconsideration of how we write policy for educational technology is recommended, with a critical focus on how people learn, rather than on what technology is assumed to enhance.

Resisting the final word:challenging stale media and policy representations of students’ performative technological encounters in university education

This article explores powerful, constraining representations of encounters between digital technologies and the bodies of students and teachers, using corpus-based Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). It discusses examples from a corpus of UK Higher Education (HE) policy documents, and considers how confronting such documents may strengthen arguments from educators against narrow representations of an automatically enhanced learning. Examples reveal that a promise of enhanced ‘student experience’ through information and communication technologies internalizes the ideological constructs of technology and policy makers, to reinforce a primary logic of exchange value. The identified dominant discursive patterns are closely linked to the Californian ideology. By exposing these texts, they provide a form of ‘linguistic resistance’ for educators to disrupt powerful processes that serve the interests of a neoliberal social imaginary. To mine this current crisis of education, the authors introduce productive links between a Networked Learning approach and a posthumanist perspective. The Networked Learning approach emphasises conscious choices between political alternatives, which in turn could help us reconsider ways we write about digital technologies in policy. Then, based on the works of Haraway, Hayles, and Wark, a posthumanist perspective places human digital learning encounters at the juncture of non-humans and politics. Connections between the Networked Learning approach and the posthumanist perspective are necessary in order to replace a discourse of (mis)representations with a more performative view towards the digital human body, which then becomes situated at the centre of teaching and learning. In practice, however, establishing these connections is much more complex than resorting to the typically straightforward common sense discourse encountered in the Critical Discourse Analysis, and this may yet limit practical applications of this research in policy making.