975 resultados para violent offender


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Rehabilitation programs for violent offenders are at an early stage in their development, and there is currently only a very limited empirical base from which to draw any conclusions about treatment effectiveness (Jolliffe and Farrington, 2007). Therapeutic communities for offender populations have a much longer history, although the effects of applying this model of treatment to violent offenders have not been systematically investigated. This paper reviews the content and evidence supporting both violent offender treatment programs and therapeutic community models, concluding that approaches to treatment which combine features of both may prove to be most successful, and warrant further development and evaluation.

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In this article we operationalise the theoretical concepts of the Good Lives Model (GLM) of offender rehabilitation by providing a step-by-step framework for assessment, formulation, treatment planning, and monitoring with a high-risk violent offender residing in the community. The case study illustrates how the GLM can be applied to complement and enhance traditional Risk-Management interventions and shows how the GLM's clinical relevance extends from sex offending to broader offending typologies.

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In this paper we suggest that the effectiveness of many offender rehabilitation programs may be further enhanced by the inclusion of interventions that build on existing motivation to change. Taking the example of anger management interventions delivered within the context of violent offender rehabilitation, we propose that the emphasis on positive personal change implicit in therapies designed to promote forgiveness may hold some promise. Such therapies may be useful in so far as they facilitate the development of perspective-taking skills, and assist in the therapeutic management of shame and guilt in ways that are likely to be engaging for violent offenders.

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Although violent offenders are widely considered to be difficult to engage in therapeutic change, few methods of assessing treatment readiness currently exist. In this article the validation of a brief self-report measure designed to assess treatment readiness in offenders who have been referred to violent offender treatment programs is described. The measure, which is an adaptation of a general measure of treatment readiness developed in a previous work, displayed acceptable levels of convergent and discriminant validity and was able to successfully predict treatment engagement in violent offender treatment. These results suggest that the measure has utility in the assessment of treatment readiness in violent offenders.

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Violent offender rehabilitation programs aim to reduce the risk of re-offending in known offenders by addressing a range of different treatments needs, often with core intervention targets of improving anger regulation and altering antisocial beliefs and thinking styles. Such programs have proven efficacy in reducing recidivism for some, but not all, violent offenders, and little is known about the effects of these programs on different offender types. This study investigates whether subtypes of violent offenders can be meaningfully identified and considers how this influences short-term treatment outcomes. Cluster analysis identified three distinctive violent offender groups within a sample of 305 male offenders who had been assessed for participation in a violent offender rehabilitation program. An "unregulated" group had high levels of anger experience and expression and low levels of anger control, and held beliefs that were strongly supportive of a criminal lifestyle. A "regulated" group demonstrated levels of anger and beliefs supporting criminal activity that were not in a range that warranted treatment. Finally, an "overregulated" group was assessed as the group at highest risk of violent re-offending and had low levels of anger experience and expression and an absence of beliefs supporting criminal activity. The unregulated group appeared to gain the most benefit from treatment, although it had the highest levels of criminal thinking and problematic anger. These findings nonetheless offer support for the hypothesis that violent offender treatment programs may be optimally effective when targeted at particular types of offenders.

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People with mental impairment are so heavily over-represented in prisons and jails that jails have been labeled “warehouses for the mentally ill.” In many parts of the United States, there are more mentally impaired offenders in prisons than in hospitals for the mentally unwell. Offenders laboring with impaired mental functioning are often regarded as being less morally culpable for their crimes and hence less deserving of punishment. However, the reduced mental functioning of offenders does not diminish the harm caused to victims. People are no less dead if mentally unwell offenders kill them rather than offenders who are mentally sound. This tension has proven an intractable problem for sentencing law and practice. There are no clear, fair, and effective principles or processes for accommodating impaired mental functioning in the sentencing inquiry. It is an under-researched area of the law. In this Article, I explore this tension. Key to ascertaining the proper manner in which to incorporate mental illness into the sentencing system is clarity regarding the importance of consequences to the offender, as opposed to moral culpability. I analyze current approaches to sentencing offenders with mental health problems in both the United States and Australia. Despite the vastly different sentencing regimes in these countries, both systems are deficient in dealing with mentally ill offenders, but for different reasons. I propose a solution to administering sentences to offenders with a mental disorder that is equally applicable to both sentencing systems. Mental impairment should mitigate penalty. However, in determining the extent and circumstances in which it should do so, it is cardinal not to lose sight of the fact that those who are sentenced for a crime are not insane, and they were aware that their acts were wrong--otherwise they would not have been found guilty in the first instance. I argue that a standard ten percent sentencing discount should be accorded to offenders who were mentally disordered at the time of sentencing. There should be an even more substantial discount when it is likely that offenders will find the sanction--in particular imprisonment--more burdensome due to their mental state. This difference would ensure some recognition of the reduced blameworthiness of mentally impaired offenders and the extra hardship that some forms of punishment inflict on mentally *2 ill offenders, while not compromising the important objectives of proportionality and community protection. The only situations when mental disorder should not mitigate penalty are when the offender is a recidivist, serious sexual or violent offender. In these circumstances, the interests of the community are the paramount consideration. The analysis in this paper applies most directly when a term of imprisonment is imposed. However, the reasoning also extends to the threshold decision of whether or not a term of imprisonment should be imposed in the first place.

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The current study examines sexual and violent reoffence rates for a sample of 2474 sexual offenders over an average of 15 years following release from prison. Reoffence rates are reported as a function of the offenders' victim type and level of risk as assessed by the Automated Sexual Recidivism Scale, a computer scored measure of relevant historical risk factors. Observed sexual recidivism rates for offenders with child victims, adult victims, and mixed victims were quite similar. Results indicate that offenders with exclusively female child victims not only showed a lower rate of sexual reoffending, but that the reoffence rates were relatively low across all levels of actuarial risk. In contrast, those with male child victims and adult victims showed a pronounced escalation of reoffence rates as actuarial risk increased. Results also indicated that adult victim offenders are less consistent in the victim type of their reoffences, with 37% sexually reoffending against child victims. Finally, combined rates of sexual and violent reoffending were particularly high for those with adult victim sexual offence histories. Risk assessment and public policy implications are discussed.

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Although the majority of people with mental illness are not violent, scientific studies over the last decades show that certain psychiatric disorders increase the risk of violent behavior, including homicide. This thesis examined crime scene behaviors and offender background characteristics among mentally ill Finnish homicide offenders. Previously, homicide crime scene behaviors have been investigated in relation to offender demographic characteristics, whereas this study compares the behaviors of offenders with various mental illnesses. The study design was a retrospective chart review of the forensic psychiatric statements of Finnish homicide offenders. The work consists of four substudies. The aims of the study were as follows: To describe differences in the childhood and family backgrounds as well as in the adolescent and adult adjustment of Finnish homicide offenders belonging to different diagnostic categories (schizophrenia, personality disorder, alcoholism, drug addiction or no diagnosis). Further, the study examined associations between the crime scene behaviors and mental status of these offenders. Also, the distinguishing characteristics between two groups of offenders with schizophrenia were examined: early starters, who present antisocial behavior before the onset of schizophrenia, and late starters, who first offend after the onset of mental disorder. Finally, it was investigated how the use of excessive violence is associated with clinical and circumstantial variables as well as offender background characteristics among homicide offenders with schizophrenia. The main findings of the study can be summarized as follows. First, offenders with personality disorder or drug addiction had experienced multiple difficulties in their early environments: both family and individual problems were typical. Offenders with schizophrenia were relatively well-adjusted in childhood compared to the other groups. However, in adolescence and adulthood, social isolation, withdrawal and other difficulties attributable to these offenders illness became evident. In several aspects, offenders with alcohol dependency resembled offenders with no diagnosis in that these offenders had less problematic backgrounds compared to other groups. Second, the results showed that crime scene behaviors, victim gender and the victim-offender relationship differ between the groups. In particular, offenders with a diagnosis of schizophrenia or drug addiction have some unique features in their crime scene behaviors and choice of victims. Offenders with schizophrenia were more likely to kill a blood relative, to use a sharp weapon and to injure the victim s face. Drug addiction was associated with stealing from the victim and trying to cover up the body. Third, the results suggest that the offense characteristics of early- and late-start offenders with schizophrenia differ only modestly. However, several significant differences between the groups were found in characteristics of offenders: early starters had experienced a multitude of problems in their childhood surroundings and also later in life. Fourth, violent acts where the offender did not commit the offense alone or had previous homicidal history were predictive of excessive violence among offenders with schizophrenia. Positive psychotic symptoms did not predict the use of excessive violence. Nearly one third of the cases in the sample involved multiple and severe violence, including features such as sadism, mutilation, sexual components or extreme stabbing. In sum, mentally disordered homicide offenders are heterogeneous in their offense characteristics as well as their background characteristics. Empirically based information on how the offender s mental state is associated with specific crime scene behaviors can be utilized within the police force in developing methods of prioritizing suspects in unsolved homicide cases. Also, these results emphasise the importance of early interventions for problem families and children at risk of antisocial behavior. They may also contribute to the development of effective treatment for violent offenders.

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Objectif : Ce mémoire avait pour objectif de comprendre le processus par lequel les femmes en arrivent à commettre un acte violent. Plus spécifiquement, de connaître le sens que les femmes donnent à leur violence, de quelle façon elles reconstruisent le processus qui les a menées à cet acte et de quelle façon elles l’intègrent dans le cours de leur vie. Méthode : Pour atteindre cet objectif, 24 entrevues semi-structurées ont été réalisées auprès de femmes détenues ou prévenues ayant commis un acte de violence. Les participantes étaient rencontrées à la Maison Tanguay ou au secteur féminin du Centre de détention de Québec. Par la suite, les entrevues furent retranscrites et les données obtenues traitées à l’aide du programme NVivo. Nous avons analysé ces données selon le processus proposé par la théorisation ancrée. Résultats: Les résultats ont permis d’établir un modèle représentant le processus de passage à l’acte violent chez les femmes. Ce modèle se déroule en quatre phases. La première phase concerne le portrait de vie des participantes de l’enfance à l’âge adulte. Cette phase met principalement l’accent sur les difficultés vécues par les participantes et leurs stratégies d’adaptation. La deuxième phase est relative à la période précédant le délit. Elle comprend deux volets soit, l’entrée dans le processus qui réfère aux mois ou semaines précédant le délit et la phase aiguë qui réfère aux jours ou aux instants précédant le délit. La troisième phase concerne le déroulement de délit. Cette phase est divisée en deux profils différents, selon le type de violence utilisée soit, expressive ou utilitaire. Ces deux profils se distinguent quant aux circonstances, aux motifs, aux émotions et dans le recours, ou non, à des stratégies alternatives à la violence. Enfin, la dernière phase du modèle se concentre sur la période succédant l’acte de violence.

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Numerous theories have been formulated in an attempt to explain the psychological differences between violent offenders and non-offenders. Constructs that have emerged as salient in such scholarship include anger expression, social problem solving, locus of control, attitudes toward women, impulsivity and temper. Although a considerable amount of sound research has been conducted into 'violent offending' per se, in general terms, research into family and domestic violence is yet to be as methodologically and theoretically rigorous. In an attempt to link these areas of work, and to identify the risk factors (or 'criminogenic needs') of specific sub-groups of male offenders, this research compared: (I) property offenders, (2) those who had been· 'violent against strangers', (3) those who had been 'violent against intimates' and (4) non-offenders. In an effort to address one of the shortcomings of prior research, potentially confounding variables such as age, education level cultural identity, and socio-economic status were controlled for in an effort to arrive at more meaningful representations of each offender group's specific psychological deficits and abundances. A number of differences were highlighted between the groups, but few of these remained after demographic
covariates were controlled for. This paper details the nature of these differences, while also proposing that future studies adopt a similar methodology.

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Advances in offender rehabilitation theory have led to the development of a clear framework of the factors that need consideration for an offender to be ready for therapy and thus gain maximum benefits. Here, we examine in greater detail the role of cognition in readiness for rehabilitation in violent offenders. We assess how cognitive processes and distortions common in violent offenders may affect and hamper rehabilitation readiness. Methods for remediation of cognitive factors that diminish readiness, including motivational interviewing, are discussed. We conclude that cognitive factors are critical in the assessment of readiness in violent offenders and therapeutic efforts to enhance engagement.

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Evidence-based interventions designed to reduce the risk of re-offending, particularly violent re-offending, are commonly offered in correctional systems around the world. The interventions are often based upon the application of several principles of service delivery that have become widely known as the 'what works' approach to offender rehabilitation. The applicability of these principles to forensic psychiatric services has yet to be determined. The aims are to examine the possible application of the 'what works' approach and its implications for forensic mental health practice. The method used was a review of relevant research from both the general offender and forensic psychiatry literature. The principles underlying the 'what works' approach are likely to have utility in service delivery in forensic psychiatry, particularly when a treatment target is a reduction in risk of harm to others. The individualized models of patient care practiced in forensic psychiatry are also likely to have utility in improving treatment outcomes in correctional settings. The conclusion is that an increased interchange of ideas and interventions between the two areas of practice is likely to be of mutual benefit. This is an area that requires significant development.

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Sexual offenders who are involuntarily civilly committed to a secure state hospital as Sexually Violent Predators (SVPs) appear to differ significantly from other current patient populations. Demographically, SVPs are older and more predominantly Caucasian than other patients. They are less frequently psychotic than patients committed under other state statutes such as those found incompetent to stand trial, not guilty by reason of insanity and mentally ill prison transfers. Another salient dimension which distinguishes SVPs is the degree of psychopathy observed in these patients. As a group, SVPs display only slightly higher levels of psychopathy than other patient groups as measured by the revised Psychopathy Checklist. Yet when considered by offender type, rapists are found to have significantly higher average psychopathy scores than other patients, while child molesters are assessed as having lower average psychopathy scores than most other patient commitment categories.