982 resultados para power relation


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Brazil's rapprochement with Africa during the last decade has been mostly explained as an attempt to improve political dialogue, raise economic interactions, and provide technical cooperation assistance. This article, however, argues that such framework does not sufficiently account for the use of Brazilian material resources in order to attain harder strategic goals towards the continent. By focusing on defense cooperation ties, it highlights an important niche in South-South relations that has also grown exponentially, with important consequences on how Brazil exerts power across the Atlantic.

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Supplier relationships are key elements of supply management and thus have attracted substantial research interest among academics and practitioners. The collaborative nature of relationships has been the focus of the mainstream research, and limited interest has been channelled towards power in buyer–supplier relationships. However, power is one of the key factors determining the outcomes in many business relations. Hence, one of the main objectives of this dissertation is to clarify how power may influence the nature of buyer–supplier relationships and, moreover, the depth of collaboration. Another main objective is to clarify the role of power relations in strategic supply management. Given the different nature of relationships, the firm needs divergent strategies in its supply management in order to handle them efficiently. Power has been identified as one of the factors that affect the nature of buyer–supplier relationships, and firms should thus develop strategies for handling power relations. Three research questions are addressed in pursuit of these objectives, the aim being to clarify the sources of power, the influence of power on collaboration, and the role of buyer–supplier relationships in the firm’s supply strategy. This dissertation has two parts. The first part provides a synthesis of the overall dissertation, and the second part comprises five complementary research papers. The qualitative research method is applied in an empirical case study from the Finnish food industry. The main contribution of this dissertation is that it clarifies the role of power relations in strategic supply management in value nets, and discloses the nature of power as an influencing factor in supplier relationships. It extends the discussion on power in buyer– supplier relationships in highlighting the context of networks and raising the question of network effects on power relations. It also illustrates how power positions and power relations in value nets can be determined based on the sources of power of the network actors, and shows their influence on collaboration.

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L’objectif de ce mémoire est de comprendre l’influence du genre sur le rapport de force entre les danseurs nus et leur clientèle féminine et masculine. Depuis les années 1960, les bars de danseuses nues abondent à Montréal. De nombreuses recherches ont été menées à ce sujet, mais très peu concernent directement leurs homologues masculins, les bars de danseurs nus pour hommes et pour femmes. Notre mémoire analyse la relation de pouvoir entre les danseurs nus et leur clientèle féminine et masculine au 281 et au Stock bar. S’appuyant sur la littérature des bars de danseuSEs nuEs, nous étudions les quatre dimensions de la relation de pouvoir : l’influence des lieux sur les interactions, la liaison physique et sexuelle, l’échange marchand ainsi que le lien émotif. Pour répondre à notre question de recherche, nous avons effectué plusieurs séances d’observation non-dévoilée au 281 et au Stock bar. Afin d’analyser les données que nous avons recueillies, nous utilisons les théories de Judith Butler et la sociologie goffmanienne. Le concept de phallus de Butler nous permet de repérer qui domine en « ayant » le phallus et qui est dominé en « étant » le phallus. Nous concluons que les femmes sont, à quelques exceptions près, toujours celles qui « sont » le phallus pour les hommes danseurs et animateurs qui le « possèdent ». La structuration des soirées, établie selon le modèle hétérosexuel binaire prépondérant, rend très difficile pour elles de s’en emparer. En ce qui concerne le rapport entre les hommes danseurs et clients dans un contexte homosexuel, ce sont les danseurs qui « sont » le phallus pour les hommes clients qui l’« ont ». Leur relation est très similaire à celle que nous pouvons observer dans les bars de danseuses nues entre ces dernières et leur clientèle masculine. « Être » le phallus signifie que les danseuSEs nuEs ont le pouvoir de reconnaître ou non le phallus à l’homme client afin qu’il puisse (ou non) matérialiser son pouvoir masculin en subvenant à leurs besoins et en étant désirable à leurs yeux. Dans tous les cas, les danseurs nus font un travail émotionnel différent selon le genre des clientEs, rehaussant le statut social des hommes et diminuant celui des femmes.

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Cette recherche porte sur la dimension interprétative de l'intégration européenne et sur son rôle dans la démocratisation au sein des pays postcommunistes. Je focalise mon attention sur la signification pour les gens desdits pays que revêtent la participation politique, la compétence politique, et l’action collective. Cette signification prend forme selon des circonstances spécifiques, agencées par les relations de pouvoir asymétriques avec l’Union européenne (UE). J’examine la littérature sur le rôle de l'intégration européenne dans la démocratisation des pays postcommunistes et je distingue deux paradigmes théoriques principaux : un premier qui met l'accent sur le processus institutionnel, l’autre sur le processus instrumental stratégique. Au sein de ces deux approches, je présente différents auteurs qui voient l'UE soit comme un facteur pro-démocratique, soit comme un facteur antidémocratique dans le contexte postcommuniste de transition politique. Cette recherche ne suit pas théoriquement et méthodologiquement les études contenues dans la revue de la littérature. Plutôt, elle s’appuie sur un modèle théorique inspiré des recherches de McFalls sur la réunification culturelle allemande après 1989. Ce modèle, sans négliger les approches institutionnelles et stratégiques, met l’accent sur d'autres écoles théoriques, interprétatives et constructivistes. Mes conclusions se basent sur les résultats de séjours d'étude dans deux pays postcommunistes : la Bulgarie, membre de l'UE depuis 2007, et la Macédoine, pays-candidat. J’ai recours à des méthodes qualitatives et à des techniques ethnographiques qui triangulent des résultats puisés à des sources multiples et variées pour exposer des trajectoires dynamiques de changement culturel influencées par l'intégration européenne. Les conclusions montrent sous quelles conditions les idéaux-types de changement politique conventionnels, soit institutionnel ou stratégique, représentent des modèles utiles. Je présente aussi leurs limitations. Ma conclusion principale est que l'intégration européenne représente un phénomène complexe dans le monde des significations. C’est un facteur qui est simultanément un amplificateur et un inhibiteur de la culture politique démocratique. Les gens créent des sous-cultures différentes où des interprétations multiples du processus d'intégration européenne mènent à des effets dissemblables sur la participation politique, la compétence et l’action collective. La conversation discursive entre les gens qui composent de telles sous-cultures distinctes peut produire des effets divergents au niveau national. Cette recherche n’est pas une analyse de l’UE comme mécanisme institutionnel ; elle ne pose ainsi pas l’UE comme une institution qui détermine directement le processus de démocratisation postcommuniste. Plutôt, elle s’intéresse au processus d’intégration européenne en tant qu’interaction qui affecte la culture politique au sein des pays postcommunistes, et à la manière dont cette dernière peut agir sur le processus de démocratisation. Mon point d’intérêt central n’est donc pas l’européanisation ou le processus de devenir « comme l’Europe », à moins que l’européanisation ne devienne une composante de la culture politique avec des conséquences sur le comportement politique des acteurs.

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A little word may mean so much: Changed meanings of the concept men’s violence against women This article concerns the process of policymaking in the Swedish political system with a focus on the concept of men’s violence against women. The material analyzed is based on interviews with key civil servants and the Minister of Equality responsible for the ”Action Plan for Combating Men’s Violence Against Women” launched by the right wing government in 2007. The article shows how a shift in the concept of men’s violence against women is achieved through complex negotiations involving the administration staff as well as the political representatives.The outcome is a change from an understanding of the issue as a structural gender power relation problem, to explaining it as related to individual deviations. This change has been made by re-wording and editing out earlier understandings of men’s violence against women as a structural gender power concern in policies and guidelines, so that the concept is framed as something pertaining to groups of vulnerable women with specific individual obstacles. The political goals are then expressed along the lines of providing support for each group’s designated problems, but the connection to gendered power structures is made invisible.

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Este estudo trata das relações professor-aluno, - tal como estas ocorrem atualmente em nossas escolas e das possíveis modificações que poder~o advir do uso do computador na escola. Identificamos, inicialmente, as relações hoje existentes em nossas escolas entre professores e alunos como sendo de poder. Descrevemos, portanto, o que entendemos por poder, como este se manifesta na sala de aula e quais as suas consequências. Posteriormente, descrevemos o nosso ideal de escola, ou seja, uma escola onde as relações de poder n~o estejam presentes, onde professores e alunos trabalhem lado a lado na busca do saber. Passamos, então, ao estudo do computador na educação, visando identificar mudanças nas relações professor-aluno decorrentes de seu uso. Para tal, analisamos, primeiramente, as opiniões emitidas por diversos estudiosos do assunto. A seguir, relatamos os diversos usos do computador na sala de aula, identificando os elementos que podem propiciar mudanças. Finalmente, descrevemos os resultados da experiência que realizamos no Instituto de Educação do Rio de Janeiro. Concluímos que o uso do computador na sala de aula pode ocasionar mudanças positivas nas relações professor-aluno, rompendo, em maior ou menor escala, de acordo com o seu uso, com as relações de poder a que nos referimos anteriormente. Concluímos ainda que a preparação do profissional que irá lidar com o computador na sala de aula é de extrema importância, não apenas no sentido técnico, mas principalmente no sentido de ter claros em mente os objetivos que se pretendem alcançar através do uso do computador na escola.

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The study made in this thesis analyzes the new form of work organization at the urban collective transportation sector, so called Altemative Transportation which is a new form of public transportation that appears in the Brazilian urban context by the mid ninety' s, this work is made by independent or sub-contracted workers, usually organized in cooperatives . It reflects the investigation of new forms of precarious work, unformal which has been expanding in the urban transportation sector. Thus, discusses non regulation of the services sector problem the ways of survival of exc1uded workers from the formal work market mainly afier the capital productive restructure. It has as privileged area of investigation, the sector policy of urban transportation that make field of the main nets of political articulations that define the dynamic of the urban space. It is known that the urban collective transportation allows the access to the production, circulation and general consumption being necessary to the mobility of the resident population, mainly to those with low purchasing capacity. It becomes a field of empirical investigation at the Belem municipal, located at the Amazonic region - north Brazil. The main points dealed on this research start from concrete relations from the daily life of workers that deve1op their activity on the altemative transport mediated with theoretical references needed for understanding and interpretation of the studied reality. The investigation strategies were built from the abstract (theorical knowledge produced for the reality analyze) in concrete by the investigation quantitative-qualitative from this area of urban policy, making up possible the formation of a references chart to the analyses of the studied subject. Rescue his historicity, from characterization of the urban space of the metropolitan region of Belem passing true the forms of organization and urban services performances while essential production and reproduction element of the social relations. Identifies the main individuals that historically have been participating in the construction of the municipality transport policy and the ways of expression of the local political strength relations. Outstand the State paper on the net of established relations near the local power, as well as outstand the importance of social sciences in the understanding of urban policies in the transportation area, trying to bring input to the academicals -scientific debate .The above e1ected and mentioned points in this study are crucial for a critical reflection of the transportation policies. That relation is not given, but historically built at the power relation chart that makes up this unique area of the urban policies

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This work presents an analysis about the legitimation of independent regulatory commission`s rulemaking power by participation procedure. It is observed that political and administrative decentralization and fragmentation of State, with the purpose of approaching citizens and provide, more efficiently, the functions acquired by the passage of the Welfare State, leads to a deficit of legitimacy (democratic crisis), which is noticeable in the making of legal norms by directors of independent regulatory commission to regulate specific economic sector. However, we understand that this crisis stems from the observation of the contemporary world from dogmas and legal institutions of the eighteenth century, without their evolution and adaptation to the modern world. The legitimacy must be perceived as the justification of power, relation command /obedience, which, from the Modern State, has the democracy as standard. Therefore, just as the world has evolved and demanded political and administrative decentralization to accompany him, it is necessary to the development of the idea of representative democracy (formal legitimacy) to participatory democracy (legitimacy stuff). Legitimacy is not confused with the legality: as the legality is on observance to internal legal system, the "rules of play"; legitimacy, as inputs to be fed into this system, the selection of the different expectations in the environment. Nevertheless, the legitimacy will take place by legality, through introduction of rational and communicative procedures: procedures get fundamental importance because these will be the means to select the expectations to be introduced in the legal system in order to make decisions more fair, rational and qualified towards society. Thus, it is necessary to its opening to the environment for dialogue with the government. In this context, we try to make an analysis of constitutional norms based on systematic and teleological interpretation of these norms to build these arguments. According to the Constitution of 1988, participatory democracy is a result of the democratic principle (sole paragraph of art. 1 of the Constitution), and it is an expression of citizenship and political pluralism, both foundations of Republic (respectively Art. 1st, inc . V and II of the Constitution), as well as the national consciousness. From another point of view, that principle consists of an evolution in the management public affairs (principle of Republic). The right of interested participate in the rulemaking process derives both the principle of popular participation (part of the democratic principle) and the republican principle as the due process constitutional (art. 5, LIV and LV, CF/88) and the right to petition (Art . 5 °, inc. XXXIV, "a", CF/88), and it is the duty of the State not only be open to participation and encourage it. Ignoring stakeholder involvement in procedures and / or expressions compiled can be causes of invalidation of the rule of law produced by addiction of procedure, motive, motivation and/or because of the administrative act. Finally, we conclude that the involvement of stakeholders in the process of making rules within the independent regulatory commission is the legitimacy and the validity of rules; and that, despite of the expressions do not bind the decision making, they will enter the system as juridical fact, balancing the field of technical discretionary of agencies

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The Modern Era is marked by a great revolution in the economic, political and social structure, mainly on account of the sprouting of bourgeoisie, which brings the Bourgeois Novel as a new way to express their feelings and conflicts. In this article, one of the bourgeois characteristics, the patriarchal system, will be discussed. However, the focus will be on its dissolution, which is one evidence of the bourgeois novel's crisis. The word 'crisis' can also be understood as transformation. Thus, in order to illustrate this literary revolution undertaken by women, this article analyses To The Lighthouse, by Virginia Woolf. In this novel, it seems that nothing important happens. However the Stream of Consciousness narrative, with the predominance of Indirect Interior Monologue, psychological time and intertextualities, allows for meaning construal grounded in the dichotomy life/dead. The disintegration of the patriarchal structure is seen from the perspective of power relation between the head of the family and his wife. In addition, a reflection on the role of the woman as an artist is carried out.

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Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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Pós-graduação em Geografia - IGCE

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Pós-graduação em Psicologia - FCLAS

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O presente trabalho tem a intenção de analisar as discussões em torno da dimensão territorial no planejamento estatal. Essas discussões não são recentes, elas emergiram no cenário nacional em decorrência também das questões relacionadas a um conjunto de fatores que surgem como imposição do processo de acumulação flexível e globalizado, que busca produzir espaços homogêneos. Nesse momento o próprio papel do Estado, enquanto promotor do desenvolvimento é redefinido, alterando assim, sua relação de poder na produção do espaço, estabelecendo com isso, uma correlação de força com a sociedade. Todavia as questões que envolvem o planejamento recente no Brasil passam pela resolução de pontos cruciais, que estão diretamente ligadas às estratégias de intervenção do Estado a partir de uma lógica territorializada, que em primeiro lugar tem a região como ponto de partida. Nessa perspectiva se faz necessário pensar conceito de região e de território inseridos na dinâmica de planejamento territorial/regional. A tese apresentada neste trabalho demonstra que mesmo havendo um intenso esforço na elaboração dos PPAs e, consequentemente, dos planos e programas a eles ligados, no que se refere à introdução de um “moderno” planejamento público, a partir da introdução da concepção de território e demais instrumentos de execução e avaliação, quando se analisa o orçamento-programa percebe-se que os mesmos seguem outra lógica regionalizada de alocação de recursos, obedecendo a Constituição Federal, tanto no que se refere aos programas finalísticos, quanto ao de apoio às políticas públicas e áreas especiais. Assim, o orçamento segue uma dinâmica regionalizada, enquanto os planos e programas seguem uma dinâmica territorial. Enquanto o orçamento-programa estabelece a alocação de recursos seguindo o critério de divisão regional do IBGE – que divide o Brasil em cinco regiões. Os estudos da Dimensão Territorial para o Planejamento que orientam os PPAs, destacando, principalmente o 2008 – 2011 buscam estabelecer programas de desenvolvimento a partir da criação de inúmeros territórios. Passando assim, a desenvolver um sério problema na dinâmica do planejamento público brasileiro, que é o descompasso entre Plano – Orçamento – Programa, negando, com isso, a concepção de integração presente nos mesmos.