145 resultados para mania prodrome


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Background: The diagnostic and clinical overlap between schizophrenia and schizoaffective disorder is an important nosological issue in psychiatry that is yet to be resolved. The aim of this study was to compare the clinical and functional characteristics of an epidemiological treated cohort of first episode patients with an 18-month discharge diagnosis of schizophrenia (FES) or schizoaffective disorder (FESA). Methods: This study was part of the larger First Episode Psychosis Outcome Study (FEPOS) which involved a medical file audit study of all 786 patients treated at the Early Psychosis Prevention and Intervention Centre between 1998 and 2000. Of this cohort, 283 patients had a 18-month discharge diagnosis of FES and 64 had a diagnosis of FESA. DSM-IV diagnoses, clinical and functional ratings were derived and validated by two consultant psychiatrists. Results: Compared to FES patients, those with FESA were significantly more likely to have a later age of onset (p=.004), longer prodrome (p=.020), and a longer duration of untreated psychosis (p<.001). At service entry, FESA patients presented with a higher illness severity (p=.020), largely due to the presence of more severe manic symptoms (p<.001). FESA patients also had a greater number of subsequent inpatient admissions (p=.017), had more severe depressive symptoms (p=.011), and higher levels of functioning at discharge. Discussion: The findings support the notion that these might be considered two discernable disorders; however, further research is required to ascertain the ways and extent to which these disorders are discriminable at presentation and over time.

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The rationality of investors during asset price bubbles has been the subject of considerable debate. An analysis of the British Railway Mania, which occurred in the 1840s, suggests that investors may have been myopic, as their expectations were only accurate in the short-term, but they remained rational, as they acted in a utility maximising manner given their expectations. Investors successfully incorporated forecasts of short-term dividend changes into their valuations, but were unable to predict longer-term changes. When short-term growth is controlled for, it appears that the railways were priced consistently with the non-railways throughout the entire episode.

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Anecdotal evidence from the British Railway Mania and other historical financial bubbles suggests that many investors during such episodes are naive, thus contributing to the asset price boom. Using extensive investor records, we find that very few investors during the Railway Mania can be categorized as such. Although some interpretations of the Mania suggest that naive investors were expropriated by railway insiders, our evidence is inconsistent with this view as railway insiders contributed substantial amounts of capital, and their investments performed no better than those made by other experienced investors.

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This article argues that the promotion boom which occurred in the railway industry during the mid 1840s was amplified by the issue of derivative-like assets, which let investors take highly leveraged positions in the shares of new railway companies. The partially paid shares which the new railway companies issued allowed investors to obtain exposure to an asset by paying only a small initial deposit. The consequence of this arrangement was that investor returns were substantially amplified, and many schemes could be financed simultaneously. However, when investors were required to make further payments it put a negative downward pressure on prices.

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En cualquier momento y lugar,se puede recoger cualquier cosa imaginable para coleccionar: insignias, juguetes, huellas dactilares incluso el moho. Aquí hay un montón de ideas de cómo los niños pueden mostrarlas haciendo el propio museo y cómo abrirlo al público.

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This basis of our presentation is to share a method of creating a fully online course experience for the student. The LMS (Learning Management System) in our presentation will be Blackboard. Our presentation will include the course design (following a weekly syllabus or course weekly module, the various content areas of the course and most importantly, the rich media included in the course. Our presentation will also include the creation process via CAMTASIA, video production software.

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O objetivo deste trabalho é propor uma revisão do papel do chaguismo e do exgovernador Chagas Freitas na política carioca. A idéia principal é mostrar que a ênfase por ele conferida à política local resultou do seu projeto de estadualizar a Guanabara – que até então se mantivera como capital de fato do país. Quando Chagas assumiu o governo, em 1971, a Guanabara era um estado-capital. O projeto de transformar a mais nova unidade da federação em um estado como os demais respondia, também, às expectativas daquele momento de endurecimento do regime militar – interessado em retirar definitivamente da cidade do Rio de Janeiro os atributos de capital e transferi-los para Brasília. O efetivo processo de esvaziamento das funções de capital até então exercidas pela Guanabara tinha como contrapartida o investimento na sua estadualização. Para a discussão destas hipóteses de trabalho, contamos com os depoimentos orais concedidos ao Setor de História Oral do CPDOC-FGV por um expressivo grupo de políticos cariocas e fluminenses. Deste conjunto, julgamos especialmente relevantes os depoimentos do vice-governador, Erasmo Martins Pedro, e do secretário de Planejamento, Francisco de Mello Franco – que mantiveram uma relação bastante próxima com Chagas Freitas durante o seu governo na Guanabara (1971-75).

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Latin America has recently experienced three cycles of capital inflows, the first two ending in major financial crises. The first took place between 1973 and the 1982 ‘debt-crisis’. The second took place between the 1989 ‘Brady bonds’ agreement (and the beginning of the economic reforms and financial liberalisation that followed) and the Argentinian 2001/2002 crisis, and ended up with four major crises (as well as the 1997 one in East Asia) — Mexico (1994), Brazil (1999), and two in Argentina (1995 and 2001/2). Finally, the third inflow-cycle began in 2003 as soon as international financial markets felt reassured by the surprisingly neo-liberal orientation of President Lula’s government; this cycle intensified in 2004 with the beginning of a (purely speculative) commodity price-boom, and actually strengthened after a brief interlude following the 2008 global financial crash — and at the time of writing (mid-2011) this cycle is still unfolding, although already showing considerable signs of distress. The main aim of this paper is to analyse the financial crises resulting from this second cycle (both in LA and in East Asia) from the perspective of Keynesian/ Minskyian/ Kindlebergian financial economics. I will attempt to show that no matter how diversely these newly financially liberalised Developing Countries tried to deal with the absorption problem created by the subsequent surges of inflow (and they did follow different routes), they invariably ended up in a major crisis. As a result (and despite the insistence of mainstream analysis), these financial crises took place mostly due to factors that were intrinsic (or inherent) to the workings of over-liquid and under-regulated financial markets — and as such, they were both fully deserved and fairly predictable. Furthermore, these crises point not just to major market failures, but to a systemic market failure: evidence suggests that these crises were the spontaneous outcome of actions by utility-maximising agents, freely operating in friendly (‘light-touch’) regulated, over-liquid financial markets. That is, these crises are clear examples that financial markets can be driven by buyers who take little notice of underlying values — i.e., by investors who have incentives to interpret information in a biased fashion in a systematic way. Thus, ‘fat tails’ also occurred because under these circumstances there is a high likelihood of self-made disastrous events. In other words, markets are not always right — indeed, in the case of financial markets they can be seriously wrong as a whole. Also, as the recent collapse of ‘MF Global’ indicates, the capacity of ‘utility-maximising’ agents operating in (excessively) ‘friendly-regulated’ and over-liquid financial market to learn from previous mistakes seems rather limited.

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Latin America has recently experienced three cycles of capital inflows, the first two ending in major financial crises. The first took place between 1973 and the 1982 ‘debt-crisis’. The second took place between the 1989 ‘Brady bonds’ agreement (and the beginning of the economic reforms and financial liberalisation that followed) and the Argentinian 2001/2002 crisis, and ended up with four major crises (as well as the 1997 one in East Asia) — Mexico (1994), Brazil (1999), and two in Argentina (1995 and 2001/2). Finally, the third inflow-cycle began in 2003 as soon as international financial markets felt reassured by the surprisingly neo-liberal orientation of President Lula’s government; this cycle intensified in 2004 with the beginning of a (purely speculative) commodity price-boom, and actually strengthened after a brief interlude following the 2008 global financial crash — and at the time of writing (mid-2011) this cycle is still unfolding, although already showing considerable signs of distress. The main aim of this paper is to analyse the financial crises resulting from this second cycle (both in LA and in East Asia) from the perspective of Keynesian/ Minskyian/ Kindlebergian financial economics. I will attempt to show that no matter how diversely these newly financially liberalised Developing Countries tried to deal with the absorption problem created by the subsequent surges of inflow (and they did follow different routes), they invariably ended up in a major crisis. As a result (and despite the insistence of mainstream analysis), these financial crises took place mostly due to factors that were intrinsic (or inherent) to the workings of over-liquid and under-regulated financial markets — and as such, they were both fully deserved and fairly predictable. Furthermore, these crises point not just to major market failures, but to a systemic market failure: evidence suggests that these crises were the spontaneous outcome of actions by utility-maximising agents, freely operating in friendly (light-touched) regulated, over-liquid financial markets. That is, these crises are clear examples that financial markets can be driven by buyers who take little notice of underlying values — investors have incentives to interpret information in a biased fashion in a systematic way. ‘Fat tails’ also occurred because under these circumstances there is a high likelihood of self-made disastrous events. In other words, markets are not always right — indeed, in the case of financial markets they can be seriously wrong as a whole. Also, as the recent collapse of ‘MF Global’ indicates, the capacity of ‘utility-maximising’ agents operating in unregulated and over-liquid financial market to learn from previous mistakes seems rather limited.

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Hospital admissions (n = 15,450) to a state psychiatric hospital in Botucatu, São Paulo State, Brazil, over a 10-year period (1982-1991) were reviewed. 157 (1%) patients received a probable diagnosis of affective disorder according to DSM-III-R criteria. Among them, 46% had been diagnosed by the staff psychiatrists, and their diagnoses were sustained by the researchers, whereas 54% were diagnosed only by one of the researchers (F.K.C.). These last patients had previously received a diagnosis of paranoid schizophrenia or unspecified psychosis (ICD-9). Most of the patients with affective disorders were bipolar: 72 and 8%, respectively, presented manic and depressive episodes. Thus, only 20% received a diagnosis of major depression. A seasonal pattern in hospital admission was observed only for mania in women, their episodes occurring more often (p < 0.02) in spring and summer. No significant seasonal pattern in hospital admission for depression was found.

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Background: Dysregulation of HPA axis has been widely described in subjects with bipolar disorder (BD), including changes in cortisol levels during mood episodes and euthymia. However, most of the studies were done with medicated BD patients with variable length of illness, which was shown to interfere on peripheral cortisol levels. Therefore, the present study aims to evaluate plasma cortisol levels in drug-naive BD subjects during the first manic episode, as well as investigate the relationship between plasma cortisol levels and manic symptomatology. Methods: Twenty-six drug-naive patients were enrolled meeting criteria for a first manic episode in bipolar I disorder. Severity of mania was assessed using the Young Mania Rating Scale (YMRS). The control group included 27 healthy subjects matched by age and gender. Cortisol was quantified using a direct radioimmunoassay. Results: Plasma cortisol levels were decreased during first manic episode compared to healthy controls. Higher cortisol levels were positively associated with the presence of irritability (dysphoria), while elated mania showed lower cortisol levels compared to controls. Limitation: Data including larger samples are lacking. Conclusion: Higher cortisol in dysphoric mania compared to predominantly elated/euphoric mania may indicate a clinical and neurobiological polymorphic phenomenon, potentially involving a higher biological sensitivity to stress in the presence of irritable mood. The present findings highlight the importance to add a dimensional approach to the traditional categorical diagnosis for future neurobiological studies in BD. (C) 2011 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.