Human Security and Crime in Latin America: The political Capital and Political Impact of Criminal Groups and Belligerents Involved in Illicit Economies

Organized crime and illegal economies generate multiple threats to states and societies. But although the negative effects of high levels of pervasive street and organized crime on human security are clear, the relationships between human security, crime, illicit economies, and law enforcement are highly complex. By sponsoring illicit economies in areas of state weakness where legal economic opportunities and public goods are seriously lacking, both belligerent and criminal groups frequently enhance some elements of human security of the marginalized populations who depend on illicit economies for basic livelihoods. Even criminal groups without a political ideology often have an important political impact on the lives of communities and on their allegiance to the State. Criminal groups also have political agendas. Both belligerent and criminal groups can develop political capital through their sponsorship of illicit economies. The extent of their political capital is dependent on several factors. Efforts to defeat belligerent groups by decreasing their financial flows through suppression of an illicit economy are rarely effective. Such measures, in turn, increase the political capital of anti-State groups. The effectiveness of anti-money laundering measures (AML) also remains low and is often highly contingent on specific vulnerabilities of the target. The design of AML measures has other effects, such as on the size of a country’s informal economy. Multifaceted anti-crime strategies that combine law enforcement approaches with targeted socio-economic policies and efforts to improve public goods provision, including access to justice, are likely to be more effective in suppressing crime than tough nailed-fist approaches. For anti-crime policies to be effective, they often require a substantial, but politically-difficult concentration of resources in target areas. In the absence of effective law enforcement capacity, legalization and decriminalization policies of illicit economies are unlikely on their own to substantially reduce levels of criminality or to eliminate organized crime. Effective police reform, for several decades largely elusive in Latin America, is one of the most urgently needed policy reforms in the region. Such efforts need to be coupled with fundamental judicial and correctional systems reforms. Yet, regional approaches cannot obliterate the so-called balloon effect. If demand persists, even under intense law enforcement pressures, illicit economies will relocate to areas of weakest law enforcement, but they will not be eliminated.

Análisis de las rupturas y continuidades estratégicas en sus ámbitos económico, social y político entre el bloque Élmer Cárdenas de las AUC (2002-2006) y la banda criminal los Urabeños (2006-2010) presentes en el Urabá chocoano

A partir de un análisis comparado, de orden cualitativo, se analiza la existencia de continuidades y rupturas estratégicas entre el Bloque Élmer Cárdenas de las AUC y los Urabeños, con el fin de caracterizar a ambos actores armados. La investigación expone similitudes relevantes entre ambos grupos armados a fin de dilucidar la naturaleza, aun discutida, de las llamadas bandas criminales y su relación con los predecesores bloques paramilitares, además de la incidencia en las actividades económicas, la población civil y el poder político.

Models of South-East Asian organised crime drug operations in Queensland

In 2002, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) issued a report entitled Results of a pilot survey of forty selected organized criminal groups in sixteen countries which established five models of organised crime. This paper reviews these and other common organised crime models and drug trafficking models, and applies them to cases of South East Asian drug trafficking in the Australian state of Queensland. The study tests the following hypotheses: (1) South-East Asian drug trafficking groups in Queensland will operate within a criminal network or core group; (2) Wholesale drug distributors in Queensland will not fit consistently under any particular UN organised crime model; and (3) Street dealers will have no organisational structure. The study concluded that drug trafficking or importation closely resembles a criminal network or core group structure. Wholesale dealers did not fit consistently into any UN organised crime model. Street dealers had no organisational structure as an organisational structure is typically found in mid- to high-level drug trafficking.

O fenómeno da criminalidade itinerante

In an increasingly globalized society, the crime appears as a reality that crosses borders. Globalization has potentiated the emergence of new forms of crime, which have been the subject of more interventional, particularly in terms of political, judicial and police authorities as well as civil society approaches. The media allow rapid expansion of criminal methodologies, which aggregate to the ease of movement of itinerant criminal groups, increases the opportunities for the continuation of the practice of criminal offenses, threatening, increasingly, the tranquility and safety of populations. Criminal organizations are characterized by their complexity, thus contributing to the difficulty in combat, by police and judicial authorities, forcing rapid adaptation to new political and criminal reality, particularly at the level of institutional cooperation, national and international, as exemplified by the creation of the "European Area of Freedom, Security and Justice" and new agencies in the field of police cooperation. It was intended with this paper to answer the central question: Is it possible to define a concept of Itinerant Crime in the European regulatory framework (Police and Judiciary)? To fulfill this aim, we performed the characterization of the concept of itinerant crime including itinerant criminal group, we analyzed the work that is being done by the authorities, police and judiciary, in order to contain the phenomenon. Finally, we studied type of existing cooperation at European level between the Member States and the authorities with responsibilities in this area. At the end, we conclude that efforts are being made towards the enhancement of operational, police and judicial cooperation, between the competent authorities of the European Union by combating this phenomenon. Define, and also proposed, a unique concept of Itinerant Crime, in order to be included in the legal standards, in order to facilitate research, in particular to better fit the itinerant crime and assist the prosecution of offenders.

Analyse de la position des groupes et des individus dans un réseau criminel structuré autour des motards criminalisés

L’étude scientifique des réseaux criminels démontre, de plus en plus, que leur structure est flexible et dynamique et que la thèse du contrôle ou de la centralisation des marchés criminels est discutable. Pourtant, devant la présence d’une organisation criminelle dite «traditionnelle» dans un marché criminel, autant la population que les milieux médiatiques, politiques, policiers et judiciaires, peuvent percevoir le marché comme étant contrôlé par cette organisation. Le fait de surévaluer la menace réelle de certains groupes criminels et de considérer que la centralisation des marchés criminels existent au détriment de la collaboration entre différents individus et groupes d’un réseau, peut notamment influencer les stratégies policières. D’une part, les autorités policières peuvent orienter leurs stratégies en tenant pour acquis que la structure dont s’est doté une présumée organisation criminelle se transpose dans le marché criminel dans lequel ses membres opèrent. D’autre part, cette organisation devient la première cible des autorités et les autres participants du réseau se voient accorder une moins grande importance dans les activités du marché. La recherche qui suit présente les résultats d’une analyse de réseau effectuée à partir des transcriptions de surveillances électroniques et physiques issues d’une importante opération policière visant la lutte aux motards criminalisés : l’opération Printemps 2001. À l’aide de ces données, un réseau de 349 individus a été créé. Bien que la cible principale de l’opération policière ait été l’organisation des Hell’s Angels, plus précisément, le chapitre Nomads et son club-école, les Rockers, d’autres groupes et d’autres individus ont été interceptés par les surveillances policières. Il ressort des analyses de la position occupée par l’ensemble des groupes et des individus identifiés, que les principales cibles des autorités policières n’étaient pas celles qui occupaient les positions les plus stratégiques pour être influentes et durer dans la portion du marché ciblée par l’opération.

Consideraciones criminológicas en torno a las bandas callejeras de origen latinoamericano en Cataluña

Podeu escriure el text directament o arrossegar-lo des d'un altre document En los últimos años el fenómeno de las bandas callejeras integradas por jóvenes latinoamericanos ha atraído la atención de los medios de comunicación y de diferentes grupos políticos. Colectivos de estos jóvenes con frecuencia acaban siendo descritos como "bandas" y presentados como grupos altamente delictivos que tienen como propósito perturbar la paz pública. Esta investigación, llevada a cabo en Cataluña, desmitifica muchos tópicos difundidos dentro de la población. Se muestra que las bandas callejeras de origen latinoamericano no son grupos delictivos. La participación de sus miembros en la delincuencia constituye una parte menor de entre todas sus actividades. Son grupos que carecen de una estructura fuerte y de organización jerárquica suficiente para que puedan ser catalogados como organizaciones criminales. Tales grupos, además, no mantienen relaciones de carácter instrumental con sus homólogos en los países de América Latina y no han sido implantadas por voluntad de estos.

Cibercrimen y ciberterrorismo : ¿exageración mediática o realidad?

La expansión de las tecnologías de la información y las comunicaciones (TIC) ha traído muchas ventajas, pero también algunos peligros. Son frecuentes hoy en día las noticias sobre delitos relacionados con las TIC. Se usa a menudo el término cibercrimen y el de ciberterrorismo pero, ¿realmente son una amenaza para la sociedad?. Este trabajo realiza un análisis del cibercrimen y el ciberterrorismo. Para ello se hace un estudio en profundidad desde distintos puntos de vista. En primer lugar se analizan varios aspectos básicos de la materia: el contexto en el que se desarrollan estas actividades, el ciberespacio y sus características, las ventajas que tiene el cibercrimen respecto a la delincuencia tradicional, características y ejemplos de ciberterrorismo y la importancia de la protección de las infraestructuras críticas. Luego se realiza un estudio del mundo del cibercrimen, en el cual se muestran los distintos tipos de cibercriminales, los actos delictivos, herramientas y técnicas más habituales usadas por el cibercrimen, la web profunda y la criptomoneda; se indican asimismo varios de los grupos criminales más conocidos y algunas de sus acciones, y se realiza un estudio de las consecuencias económicas del cibercrimen. Finalmente se hace un repaso a los medios legales que distintos países y organizaciones han establecido para combatir estos hechos delictivos. Para ello se analizan estrategias de seguridad de distinto tipo aprobadas en multitud de países de todo el mundo y los grupos operativos de respuesta (tanto los de tipo policial como los CSIRT/CERT), además de la legislación publicada para poder perseguir el cibercrimen y el ciberterrorismo, con especial atención a la legislación española. De esta manera, tras la lectura de este Proyecto se puede tener una visión global completa del mundo de la ciberdelincuencia y el ciberterrorismo. ABSTRACT. The expansion of Information and Communications Technology (ITC) has brought many benefits, but also some dangers. It is very usual nowadays to see news about ITC-related crimes. Terms like cyber crime and cyber terrorism are usually used but, are they really a big threat for our society?. This work analyzes cyber crime and cyber terrorism. To achieve it, a deep research under different points of view is made. First, basic aspects of the topic are analyzed: the context where these activities are carried out, cyber space and its features, benefits for cyber criminals with respect to traditional crime, characteristics and relevant examples of cyber terrorism, and importance of critical infrastructures protection. Then, a study about the world of cyber crime is made, analyzing the typology of different kinds of cyber criminals, the most common criminal acts, tools and techniques used by cyber crime, and the deep web and cryptocurrency. Some of the most known criminal groups and their activities are also explored, and the economic consequences of cyber crime are assessed. Finally, there is a review of the legal means used by countries and organizations to fight against these unlawful acts; this includes the analysis of several types of security strategies approved by countries all around the world, operational response groups (including law enforcement and CSIRT/CERT) and legislation to fight cyber crime and cyber terrorism, with special emphasis on Spanish legal rules. This way, a global, complete view of the world around cyber crime and cyber terrorism can be obtained after reading this work.

Beyond the Pay: Current Illicit Activities of the Armed Forces in Central America

The growth of criminal gangs and organized crime groups has created unprecedented challenges in Central America. Homicide rates are among the highest in the world, countries spend on average close to 10 percent of GDP to respond to the challenges of public insecurity, and the security forces are frequently overwhelmed and at times coopted by the criminal groups they are increasingly tasked to counter. With some 90 percent of the 700 metric tons of cocaine trafficked from South America to the United States passing through Central America, the lure of aiding illegal traffickers through provision of arms, intelligence, or simply withholding or delaying the use of force is enormous. These conditions raise the question: to what extent are militaries in Central America compromised by illicit ties to criminal groups? The study focuses on three cases: Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Honduras. It finds that: Although illicit ties between the military and criminal groups have grown in the last decade, militaries in these countries are not yet “lost’ to criminal groups. Supplying criminal groups with light arms from military stocks is typical and on the rise, but still not common. In general the less exposed services, the navies and air forces, are the most reliable and effective ones in their roles in interdiction. Of the three countries in the study, the Honduran military is the most worrying because it is embedded in a context where civilian corruption is extremely common, state institutions are notoriously weak, and the political system remains polarized and lacks the popular legitimacy and political will needed to make necessary reforms. Overall, the armed forces in the three countries remain less compromised than civilian peers, particularly the police. However, in the worsening crime and insecurity context, there is a limited window of opportunity in which to introduce measures targeted toward the military, and such efforts can only succeed if opportunities for corruption in other sectors of the state, in particular in law enforcement and the justice system, are also addressed. Measures targeted toward the military should include: Enhanced material benefits and professional education opportunities that open doors for soldiers in promising legitimate careers once they leave military service. A clear system of rewards and punishments specifically designed to deter collusion with criminal groups. More effective securing of military arsenals. Skills and external oversight leveraged through combined operations, to build cooperation among those sectors of the military that have successful and clean records in countering criminal groups, and to expose weaker forces to effective best practices.

Law Enforcement Actions in Urban Spaces Governed by Violent Non-State Entities: Lessons from Latin America

In response to a crime epidemic afflicting Latin America since the early 1990s, several countries in the region have resorted to using heavy-force police or military units to physically retake territories de facto controlled by non-State criminal or insurgent groups. After a period of territory control, the heavy forces hand law enforcement functions in the retaken territories to regular police officers, with the hope that the territories and their populations will remain under the control of the state. To a varying degree, intensity, and consistency, Brazil, Colombia, Mexico, and Jamaica have adopted such policies since the mid-1990s. During such operations, governments need to pursue two interrelated objectives: to better establish the state’s physical presence and to realign the allegiance of the population in those areas toward the state and away from the non-State criminal entities. From the perspective of law enforcement, such operations entail several critical decisions and junctions, such as: Whether or not to announce the force insertion in advance. The decision trades off the element of surprise and the ability to capture key leaders of the criminal organizations against the ability to minimize civilian casualties and force levels. The latter, however, may allow criminals to go to ground and escape capture. Governments thus must decide whether they merely seek to displace criminal groups to other areas or maximize their decapitation capacity. Intelligence flows rarely come from the population. Often, rival criminal groups are the best source of intelligence. However, cooperation between the State and such groups that goes beyond using vetted intelligence provided by the groups, such as a State tolerance for militias, compromises the rule-of-law integrity of the State and ultimately can eviscerate even public safety gains. Sustaining security after initial clearing operations is at times even more challenging than conducting the initial operations. Although unlike the heavy forces, traditional police forces, especially if designed as community police, have the capacity to develop trust of the community and ultimately focus on crime prevention, developing such trust often takes a long time. To develop the community’s trust, regular police forces need to conduct frequent on-foot patrols with intensive nonthreatening interactions with the population and minimize the use of force. Moreover, sufficiently robust patrol units need to be placed in designated beats for substantial amount of time, often at least over a year. Establishing oversight mechanisms, including joint police-citizens’ boards, further facilities building trust in the police among the community. After disruption of the established criminal order, street crime often significantly rises and both the heavy-force and community-police units often struggle to contain it. The increase in street crime alienates the population of the retaken territory from the State. Thus developing a capacity to address street crime is critical. Moreover, the community police units tend to be vulnerable (especially initially) to efforts by displaced criminals to reoccupy the cleared territories. Losing a cleared territory back to criminal groups is extremely costly in terms of losing any established trust and being able to recover it. Rather than operating on a priori determined handover schedule, a careful assessment of the relative strength of regular police and criminal groups post-clearing operations is likely to be a better guide for timing the handover from heavy forces to regular police units. Cleared territories often experience not only a peace dividend, but also a peace deficit – in the rise new serious crime (in addition to street crime). Newly – valuable land and other previously-inaccessible resources can lead to land speculation and forced displacement; various other forms of new crime can also significantly rise. Community police forces often struggle to cope with such crime, especially as it is frequently linked to legal business. Such new crime often receives little to no attention in the design of the operations to retake territories from criminal groups. But without developing an effective response to such new crime, the public safety gains of the clearing operations can be altogether lost.

Innovating from the War Economy: Formal, Informal, and Illicit Economic Activities of the Military in Colombia

Over the last decade, the Colombian military has successfully rolled back insurgent groups, cleared and secured conflict zones, and enabled the extraction of oil and other key commodity exports. As a result, official policies of both the Uribe and Santos governments have promoted the armed forces to participate to an unprecedented extent in economic activities intended to consolidate the gains of the 2000s. These include formal involvement in the economy, streamlined in a consortium of military enterprises and social foundations that are intended to put the Colombian defense sector “on the map” nationally and internationally, and informal involvement expanded mainly through new civic action development projects intended to consolidate the security gains of the 2000s. However, failure to roll back paramilitary groups other than through the voluntary amnesty program of 2005 has facilitated the persistence of illicit collusion by military forces with reconstituted “neoparamilitary” drug trafficking groups. It is therefore crucially important to enhance oversight mechanisms and create substantial penalties for collusion with illegal armed groups. This is particularly important if Colombia intends to continue its new practice of exporting its security model to other countries in the region. The Santos government has initiated several promising reforms to enhance state capacity, institutional transparence, and accountability of public officials to the rule of law, which are crucial to locking in security gains and revitalizing democratic politics. Efforts to diminish opportunities for illicit association between the armed forces and criminal groups should complement that agenda, including the following: Champion breaking existing ties between the military and paramilitary successor groups through creative policies involving a mixture of punishments and rewards directed at the military; Investigation and extradition proceedings of drug traffickers, probe all possible ties, including as a matter of course the possibility of Colombian military collaboration. Doing so rigorously may have an important effect deterring military collusion with criminal groups. Establish and enforce zero-tolerance policies at all military ranks regarding collusion with criminal groups; Reward military units that are effective and also avoid corruption and criminal ties by providing them with enhanced resources and recognition; Rely on the military for civic action and development assistance as minimally as possible in order to build long-term civilian public sector capacity and to reduce opportunities for routine exposure of military forces to criminal groups circulating in local populations.

Apoio aéreo nas operações de contrassubversão

O presente Trabalho de Investigação Aplicada está subordinado ao tema “Apoio Aéreo nas Operações de Contrassubversão”. O desenvolvimento tecnológico alterou o paradigma da guerra, passando de guerra clássica ou convencional para guerra irregular. Os beligerantes dos conflitos deixaram de ser exércitos convencionais e passaram a ser milícias, grupos criminosos e organizações terroristas. O foco de atuação é redirecionado para a população em vez de componente militar do Estado opositor. Os elementos das forças irregulares provocam elevadas baixas nas tropas terrestres. Para reduzir esse número de baixas, existe uma ferramenta eficaz ao dispor das forças terrestres, apoio aéreo. O Teatro de Operações do Afeganistão envolveu vários Países na luta contra a insurgência, implicando uso de diferentes meios e táticas para combater a ameaça. Com esta investigação, pretende-se enunciar o papel do apoio aéreo nas operações de contrainsurgência no Afeganistão. A presente investigação é baseada no método de abordagem do problema indutivo, tendo como estudo de caso o Teatro de Operações do Afeganistão. Com esta investigação conclui-se, que o apoio aéreo desempenha papel fundamental no apoio à manobra terrestre. É uma ferramenta versátil e tem um tempo de resposta reduzido. Pode ser utilizado nas operações ofensivas e para garantir proteção da força nos deslocamentos. Por fim, o apoio aéreo é um elemento relevante nas operações psicológicas, uma vez que, basta a sua presença para intimidar o inimigo.

Soixante ans de règlements de compte au Québec

Objectifs. Les objectifs de ce mémoire sont au nombre de deux. Le premier objectif est scindé en deux : l’objectif 1A est d’évaluer l’apport et la validité/fiabilité de l’analyse descriptive des règlements de compte amorcée par Cordeau dans sa thèse de doctorat de 1991 puis d’étendre la portée de cette analyse descriptive de part et d’autre des années 1970-1986. Ceci sera fait afin de voir si les règlements de compte de la période de Cordeau diffèrent de notre ensemble; l’objectif 1B est d’évaluer différents taux afin de voir lesquels nous permettent de mieux comprendre les grandes tendances des règlements de compte et leurs vagues. Enfin, le deuxième objectif est d’utiliser l’analyse de réseau afin de confirmer certains points ressortant de l’analyse descriptive des règlements de comptes et d’analyser la structure sociale du règlement de compte au Québec entre 1953 et 2013. Méthodologie. En faisant appel à Allô Police et plusieurs autres sources médiatiques, nous avons constitué une base de données des règlements de comptes québécois entre de 1953 à 2013. Nos analyses font appel à une approche holistique qui intègre à la fois l’analyse statistique descriptive, les tableaux croisés, l’analyse temporelle et l’analyse de réseau afin de bien cerner la question des règlements de compte. Résultats. Nos principaux résultats sont au nombre de quatre: 1) les grandes tendances qu’avait trouvées Cordeau entre 1970-1986 s’appliquent pour l’ensemble des règlements de compte de 1953 à 2013. Ainsi, peu de variations importantes ont été observées entre nos règlements de compte et ceux de Cordeau ; 2) les taux alternatifs se basant sur la population carcérale ou criminelle ne permettent pas de mieux comprendre les règlements de compte par rapport à un taux basé sur la population générale. Par contre, les proportions proposées par Morselli et al (2008) amènent une meilleure conception des périodes d’effervescences du milieu; 3) les groupes criminels qui sont plus exposés à la violence sont aussi ceux qui ont le plus recours à la violence et; 4) les indépendants occupent une place importante parmi les victimes de règlements de compte et ont donc une place importante dans le milieu criminel. Conclusion. Nos résultats font état du besoin d’intégrer différentes approches théoriques et méthodologiques afin de bien cerner la question complexe qu’est le règlement de compte. Avec les avenues de recherches identifiées à la fin de ce mémoire, nous espérons que la relève sera en mesure de mettre à profit les apprentissages de ce mémoire.

Soixante ans de règlements de compte au Québec

Objectifs. Les objectifs de ce mémoire sont au nombre de deux. Le premier objectif est scindé en deux : l’objectif 1A est d’évaluer l’apport et la validité/fiabilité de l’analyse descriptive des règlements de compte amorcée par Cordeau dans sa thèse de doctorat de 1991 puis d’étendre la portée de cette analyse descriptive de part et d’autre des années 1970-1986. Ceci sera fait afin de voir si les règlements de compte de la période de Cordeau diffèrent de notre ensemble; l’objectif 1B est d’évaluer différents taux afin de voir lesquels nous permettent de mieux comprendre les grandes tendances des règlements de compte et leurs vagues. Enfin, le deuxième objectif est d’utiliser l’analyse de réseau afin de confirmer certains points ressortant de l’analyse descriptive des règlements de comptes et d’analyser la structure sociale du règlement de compte au Québec entre 1953 et 2013. Méthodologie. En faisant appel à Allô Police et plusieurs autres sources médiatiques, nous avons constitué une base de données des règlements de comptes québécois entre de 1953 à 2013. Nos analyses font appel à une approche holistique qui intègre à la fois l’analyse statistique descriptive, les tableaux croisés, l’analyse temporelle et l’analyse de réseau afin de bien cerner la question des règlements de compte. Résultats. Nos principaux résultats sont au nombre de quatre: 1) les grandes tendances qu’avait trouvées Cordeau entre 1970-1986 s’appliquent pour l’ensemble des règlements de compte de 1953 à 2013. Ainsi, peu de variations importantes ont été observées entre nos règlements de compte et ceux de Cordeau ; 2) les taux alternatifs se basant sur la population carcérale ou criminelle ne permettent pas de mieux comprendre les règlements de compte par rapport à un taux basé sur la population générale. Par contre, les proportions proposées par Morselli et al (2008) amènent une meilleure conception des périodes d’effervescences du milieu; 3) les groupes criminels qui sont plus exposés à la violence sont aussi ceux qui ont le plus recours à la violence et; 4) les indépendants occupent une place importante parmi les victimes de règlements de compte et ont donc une place importante dans le milieu criminel. Conclusion. Nos résultats font état du besoin d’intégrer différentes approches théoriques et méthodologiques afin de bien cerner la question complexe qu’est le règlement de compte. Avec les avenues de recherches identifiées à la fin de ce mémoire, nous espérons que la relève sera en mesure de mettre à profit les apprentissages de ce mémoire.

Propuesta para el mejoramiento de la seguridad de Inversiones ABC S.A.S

Inversiones ABC S.A.S es una empresa colombiana situada en la ciudad de Bogotá, la cual ofrece servicios cambiarios y de intermediación financiera al segmento específico de las empresas de transporte terrestre de carga en la capital del país. La actividad principal de la empresa consiste en el cambio de cheques y la compra de facturas (factoring). Derivados de dicha actividad se ofrecen los siguientes servicios; servicio por ventanilla, servicio puerta a puerta (a domicilio) y consignaciones y giros en bancos y otras entidades como Efecty, Super giros, Western Union (giros y finanzas) y demás casas de giros presentes actualmente en el país. Con base en lo anterior, es posible afirmar que la liquidez constituye en elemento fundamental para el óptimo funcionamiento de los procesos de la compañía. Sin embargo, la tenencia de altas sumas de dinero en efectivo supone también una serie de riesgos asociados a la problemática de inseguridad en la capital del país. Anteriormente, se han presentado asaltos a la sede principal los cuales generalmente resultan en pérdidas económicas que afectan los resultados de la compañía al igual que acciones violentas contra los empleados que atentan contra su integridad física. 1 Teniendo en cuenta que la inseguridad en Bogotá es una amenaza constante, que afecta la operación de la empresa y podría inclusive amenazar su perdurabilidad, el presente trabajo tiene como fin determinar estrategias viables que permitan a la compañía contrarrestar el accionar delictivo de los grupos criminales que amenazan su operación.

Indigenous men's support groups and social and emotional wellbeing : a meta-synthesis of the evidence

Indigenous men’s support groups are designed to empower men to take greater control and responsibility for their health and wellbeing. They provide health education sessions, counselling, men’s health clinics, diversionary programs for men facing criminal charges, cultural activities, drug- and alcohol-free social events, and advocacy for resources. Despite there being ~100 such groups across Australia, there is a dearth of literature on their strategies and outcomes. This paper is based on participatory action research involving two north Queensland groups which were the subject of a series of five ‘phased’ evaluative reports between 2002 and 2007. By applying ‘meta-ethnography’ to the five studies, we identified four themes which provide new interpretations of the data. Self-reported benefits included improved social and emotional wellbeing, modest lifestyle modifications and willingness to change current notions of ‘gendered’ roles within the home, such as sharing housework. Our qualitative research to date suggests that through promoting empowerment, wellbeing and social cohesion for men and their families, men’s support groups may be saving costs through reduced expenditure on health care, welfare, and criminal justice costs, and higher earnings. Future research needs to demonstrate this empirically.