835 resultados para US Congress


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We present substantial evidence for the existence of a bias in the distribution of births of leading US politicians in favour of those who were the eldest in their cohort at school. This result adds to the research on the long-term effects of relative age among peers at school. We discuss parametric and non-parametric tests to identify this effect, and we show that it is not driven by measurement error, redshirting or a sorting effect of highly educated parents. The magnitude of the effect that we estimate is larger than what other studies on ‘relative age effects’ have found for broader populations but is in general consistent with research that looks at professional sportsmen. We also find that relative age does not seem to correlate with the quality of elected politicians.

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The framers of the American Constitution devised a singular bicameral legislative body, which invested substantial power in both a broadly representative lower chamber and a second "deliberative" chamber that was both insulated from the voters and unrepresentative of the population as a whole. Until the early 20th Century, the singular U.S. Congress changed little, but with growing national responsibilities, it sought to construct organizational forms that could address a consistently stronger executive. Since the 1980s, the Congress has relied increasingly on stronger parties to organize its activities. This development, embraced in turn by Democrats and Republicans, has led to changes that have edged the Congress in the direction of parliamentary democracies. We conclude this analysis has real, but limited utility, as congressional party leaders continue to barter for votes and, in the context, of narrow chamber majorities, often rely heavily on presidential assistance on divisive issues that are important to their party brand. Yet, the traditional features of the American separated system - bicameralism, the committee systems, and the centrifugal forces emanating from diverse congressional districts, increasingly complex policy issues, and the fear of electoral retribution - also remain strong, and effectively constrain the influence of leaders.'Qualified exceptionalism' thus most aptly describes the contemporary American Congress, which remains 'exceptional,' but less than unique, as it responds to many of the same forces, in some of the same ways (e.g., strong parties), as do many other representative assemblies around the world.

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Congressional dominance theory holds that not only can the US Congress control the executive, it does. The terrorist attacks on New York and Washington on 11 September 2001 and the Bush administration's ensuing global 'war on terror' suggest a different result. Bush's response to 9/11 signalled not only new directions in US foreign and domestic policy but a new stage in the aggrandisement of presidential power in the United States and a further step in the marginalisation of the Congress. Informed by a constitutional doctrine unknown to the framers of the US Constitution, the Bush administration pursued a presidentialist or 'ultra-separationist' governing strategy that was disrespectful to the legislature's intended role in the separated system. Using its unilateral powers, in public and in secret, claiming 'inherent' authority from the Constitution, and exploiting the public's fear of a further terrorist attack and of endangering the lives of US troops abroad, the administration skilfully drove its legislation through the Congress. Occasionally, the Congress was able to extract concessions - notably in the immediate aftermath of 9/11, when partisan control of the government was split - but more typically, for most of the period, the Congress acquiesced to administration demands, albeit with the consolation of minor concessions. The administration not only dominated the lawmaking process, it also cowed legislators into legitimating often highly controversial (and sometimes illegal) administration-determined definitions of counter-terrorism and national security policy. Certainly, the Congress undertook a considerable amount of oversight during the period of the 'war on terror'; lawmakers also complained. But the effects on policy were marginal. This finding held true for periods of Democratic as well as Republican majorities.

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Estimating the economic burden of injuries is important for setting priorities, allocating scarce health resources and planning cost-effective prevention activities. As a metric of burden, costs account for multiple injury consequences—death, severity, disability, body region, nature of injury—in a single unit of measurement. In a 1989 landmark report to the US Congress, Rice et al1 estimated the lifetime costs of injuries in the USA in 1985. By 2000, the epidemiology and burden of injuries had changed enough that the US Congress mandated an update, resulting in a book on the incidence and economic burden of injury in the USA.2 To make these findings more accessible to the larger realm of scientists and practitioners and to provide a template for conducting the same economic burden analyses in other countries and settings, a summary3 was published in Injury Prevention. Corso et al reported that, between 1985 and 2000, injury rates declined roughly 15%. The estimated lifetime cost of these injuries declined 20%, totalling US$406 billion, including US$80 billion in medical costs and US$326 billion in lost productivity. While incidence reflects problem size, the relative burden of injury is better expressed using costs.

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Size and strain rate effects are among several factors which play an important role in determining the response of nanostructures, such as their deformations, to the mechanical loadings. The mechanical deformations in nanostructure systems at finite temperatures are intrinsically dynamic processes. Most of the recent works in this context have been focused on nanowires [1, 2], but very little attention has been paid to such low dimensional nanostructures as quantum dots (QDs). In this contribution, molecular dynamics (MD) simulations with an embedded atom potential method(EAM) are carried out to analyse the size and strain rate effects in the silicon (Si) QDs, as an example. We consider various geometries of QDs such as spherical, cylindrical and cubic. We choose Si QDs as an example due to their major applications in solar cells and biosensing. The analysis has also been focused on the variation in the deformation mechanisms with the size and strain rate for Si QD embedded in a matrix of SiO2 [3] (other cases include SiN and SiC matrices).It is observed that the mechanical properties are the functions of the QD size, shape and strain rate as it is in the case for nanowires [2]. We also present the comparative study resulted from the application of different EAM potentials in particular, the Stillinger-Weber (SW) potential, the Tersoff potentials and the environment-dependent interatomic potential (EDIP) [1]. Finally, based on the stabilized structural properties we compute electronic bandstructures of our nanostructures using an envelope function approach and its finite element implementation.

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Studies on terrorism have traditionally focused on non-state actors who direct violence against liberal states. These studies also tend to focus on political motivations and, therefore, have neglected the economic functions of terrorism. This article challenges the divorce of the political and economic spheres by highlighting how states can use terrorism to realise interconnected political and economic goals. To demonstrate this, we take the case of the paramilitary demobilisation process in Colombia and show how it relates to the US-Colombian free trade agreement. We argue that the demobilisation process fulfils a dual role. First, the process aims to improve the image of the Colombian government required to pass the controversial free trade agreement through US Congress to protect large amounts of US investment in the country. Second, the demobilisation process serves to mask clear continuities in paramilitary terror that serve mutually supportive political and economic functions for US investment in Colombia.

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La presente investigación tiene como objetivo analizar la incidencia de las agresiones cibernéticas en el desarrollo informático de las Fuerzas Armadas de Estados Unidos. Los diferentes estudios que se han realizado sobre el ciberespacio se han enfocado en el papel del individuo como actor principal y se ha dejado de lado las repercusiones que éste ha tenido para el Estado, como un nuevo eje de amenazas. Teniendo en cuenta lo anterior, esta investigación demostrará a partir del concepto de securitización, que se busca priorizar la “ciberseguridad” dentro de la agenda del gobierno estadounidense. Al ser este un estudio que aborda experiencias concretas durante un periodo de tiempo de más de 10 años, el diseño metodológico de la investigación será longitudinal, ya que abarcará estudios, artículos, textos y resoluciones que se han realizado desde 2003 hasta la actualidad.

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La década de 1950 fue determinante en el establecimiento y póstumo desarrollo del sistema de política exterior de la República Popular China. Al respecto, es de vital importancia realizar un análisis exhaustivo sobre esta primera etapa en donde actores externos a la nación tuvieron un papel determinante. Se busca, entonces, analizar la incidencia que tuvo el discurso de Estados Unidos en la política exterior China a través de un profundo análisis cualitativo que tendrá como base elementos propios de la historiografía. Mediante aproximaciones constructivistas, se pretende demostrar que las creencias pre-existentes de ambos actores (así como la intersubjetividad entre los mismos), determinó la identidad construida a través de la percepción mutua. Lo anterior, impulsó las relaciones predominantemente agresivas entre Estados Unidos y la China Maoísta de principios de la Guerra Fría.

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L'objectif de cet article est de montrer l'existence de traces historiques permettant de lier les concepts de libre-échange et protectionnisme, tous les deux employés dans la politique de commerce extérieur des Etats-Unis. Parallèlement, on cherche à souligner l'importance de la législation et des principes formulés dans ce pays et leur rôle explicatif concernant les motivations de la structure du commerce international après 1945. Ce rôle a en effet contribué à qu'on puisse mieux comprendre les tournées de négociations du GATT (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) jusqu'à la création de l'OMC (Organisation Mondiale du Commerce), en 1995. on traite également des raisons pour lesquelles le commerce international aux Etats-Unis est non seulement une question d'Etat mais encore une question de la société.

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Pós-graduação em Relações Internacionais (UNESP - UNICAMP - PUC-SP) - FFC

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"Technology assessment is a comprehensive form of policy research that examines the short- and long-term social consequences of the application or use of technology" (US Congress 1967).^ This study explored a research methodology appropriate for technology assessment (TA) within the health industry. The case studied was utilization of external Small-Volume Infusion Pumps (SVIP) at a cancer treatment and research center. Primary and secondary data were collected in three project phases. In Phase I, hospital prescription records (N = 14,979) represented SVIP adoption and utilization for the years 1982-1984. The Candidate Adoption-Use (CA-U) diffusion paradigm developed for this study was germane. Compared to classic and unorthodox curves, CA-U more accurately simulated empiric experience. The hospital SVIP 1983-1984 trends denoted assurance in prescribing chemotherapy and concomitant balloon SVIP efficacy and efficiency. Abandonment of battery pumps was predicted while exponential demand for balloon SVIP was forecast for 1985-1987. In Phase II, patients using SVIP (N = 117) were prospectively surveyed from July to October 1984; the data represented a single episode of therapy. The questionnaire and indices, specifically designed to measure the impact of SVIP, evinced face validity. Compeer group data were from pre-SVIP case reviews rather than from an inpatient sample. Statistically significant results indicated that outpatients using SVIP interacted socially more than inpatients using the alternative technology. Additionally, the hospital's education program effectively taught clients to discriminate between self care and professional SVIP services. In these contexts, there was sufficient evidence that the alternative technology restricted patients activity whereas SVIP permitted patients to function more independently and in a social lifestyle, thus adding quality to life. In Phase III, diffusion forecast and patient survey findings were combined with direct observation of clinic services to profile some economic dimensions of SVIP. These three project phases provide a foundation for executing: (1) cost effectiveness analysis of external versus internal infusors, (2) institutional resource allocation, and (3) technology deployment to epidemiology-significant communities. The models and methods tested in this research of clinical technology assessment are innovative and do assess biotechnology. ^