Political Liberalism, Free Speech and Public Reason

In this paper, I critically assess John Rawls' repeated claim that the duty of civility is only a moral duty and should not be enforced by law. In the first part of the paper, I examine and reject the view that Rawls' position may be due to the practical difficulties that the legal enforcement of the duty of civility might entail. I thus claim that Rawls' position must be driven by deeper normative reasons grounded in a conception of free speech. In the second part of the paper, I therefore examine various arguments for free speech and critically assess whether they are consistent with Rawls' political liberalism. I first focus on the arguments from truth and self-fulfilment. Both arguments, I argue, rely on comprehensive doctrines and therefore cannot provide a freestanding political justification for free speech. Freedom of speech, I claim, can be justified instead on the basis of Rawls' political conception of the person and of the two moral powers. However, Rawls' wide view of public reason already allows scope for the kind of free speech necessary for the exercise of the two moral powers and therefore cannot explain Rawls' opposition to the legal enforcement of the duty of civility. Such opposition, I claim, can only be explained on the basis of a defence of unconstrained freedom of speech grounded in the ideas of democracy and political legitimacy. Yet, I conclude, while public reason and the duty of civility are essential to political liberalism, unconstrained freedom of speech is not. Rawls and political liberals could therefore renounce unconstrained freedom of speech, and endorse the legal enforcement of the duty of civility, while remaining faithful to political liberalism.

Partisanship and Public Reason

In the large body of literature concerning John Rawls’s Political Liberalism (1993) and his conception of public reason, little attention has been paid to the implications that the constraints of public reason have for partisans, i.e. citizens who participate in politics through political parties. This paper argues that even on the basis of a ‘mild’ understanding of Rawls’s conception of the constraints of public reason, which takes into account the various stipulations Rawls provided throughout his later work, when applied to partisans the constraints of public reason lose none or little of their hindering force. This seriously undermines the contribution that parties and partisans can provide to the change and the varieties of public reason that Rawls himself advocates as a response to social change and, therefore, to political justification and legitimacy. Parties articulate, coordinate and enhance societal demands which, without their support, may remain unheard and fail to change the acceptable terms of public reason and political justification. If the political speech of partisans is restrained, this potential for change (and, therefore, its contribution to political legitimacy) is seriously undermined.

Public Reason that Speaks to People : Iris Marion Young and the Problem of Internal Exclusion

Dossier : In Memoriam, Iris Marion Young (1949-2006)

O conceito moderno de tolerância e seu papel na formação deliberativa da vontade

Tendo em vista o pluralismo religioso e a importância política que as tradições religiosas e as comunidades de fé assumiram nos últimos anos, essa dissertação se dedica ao estudo do conceito moderno de tolerância a partir da interpretação pós-secular de Jürgen Habermas, a qual toma como base a concepção enunciada por Rainer Forst. Tal conceito tem papel de destaque na formação deliberativa da vontade de cidadãos que desejam reconhecer-se como iguais em sociedades marcadas por uma profunda diversidade cultural. O desafio foi, diante do multiculturalismo das sociedades modernas pluralizadas e secularizadas, identificar um procedimento capaz de atender à exigência que se impõe com o fato do pluralismo - um conceito de justiça eticamente neutro - sem, contudo, que isto se desse à custa do desrespeito às minorias religiosas e culturais. A reflexão acerca da tolerância e das dificuldades de sua realização nas sociedades contemporâneas tomou, em grande parte do estudo, o ponto de vista da diversidade religiosa e do crescente papel que a religião desempenha na esfera pública.

As razões do direito: um estudo da razão pública a partir do modelo liberal-igualitário de John Rawls

Em 1993, John Rawls, notável filósofo e professor da distinta Harvard University, publicou seu Political Liberalism, um livro em que pela primeira vez sintetiza sistematicamente o conceito de razão pública, uma ideia chave de sua teoria da justiça como equidade (justice as fairness). Segundo Rawls, a razão pública consiste fundamentalmente no modo e conteúdo adequados ao debate e à fundamentação de escolhas essenciais de justiça no espaço público de uma democracia constitucional. Nesse sentido, Rawls advoga que o único meio razoável de justificação da coerção estatal reside no reconhecimento e/ou obtenção de consensos (overlapping consensus) em relação às escolhas essenciais de uma sociedade democrática, o que só é possível se atores públicos e privados se despojarem de suas respectivas doutrinas filosóficas ou morais abrangentes ao debater e decidir tais questões essenciais de justiça. A presente dissertação tem por objetivo analisar a proposta de razão pública de Rawls, dentro do contexto de sua teoria da justiça como equidade, propondo-se a verificar se o pensamento rawlsiano procede no contexto jurídico-filosófico da pós-modernidade e se a sua teoria pode ser concretamente aplicada aos ordenamentos jurídicos contemporâneos, em especial no que tange ao conteúdo e pleno exercício da liberdade religiosa pelos cidadãos de um estado constitucional democrático.

Regulação financeira sistêmica no Brasil: desafios e propostas de aprimoramento institucional

A presente dissertação versa sobre o estudo da regulação financeira sistêmica brasileira e está dividida em quatro capítulos. No primeiro capítulo, descreve-se a essência das atividades financeiras e narra-se a trajetória histórica que deu ensejo à criação de Bancos Centrais e o surgimento da regulação bancária no mundo. Em seguida, discorre-se sobre o processo de expansão do sistema financeiro e sua internacionalização face à globalização financeira dos mercados. Após a exposição de razões políticas, comportamentais, econômicas e técnicas consideradas determinantes para a consumação da última crise financeira mundial (caso subprime), demonstra-se que uma regulação financeira sistêmica adequada constitui um processo complexo, dinâmico e contínuo de gestão pública com vistas a evitar ou atenuar os efeitos de crises sistêmicas. Nesse sentido, são expostos os motivos por que o Brasil enfrentou bem tal crise, através da apresentação da evolução dos processos regulatórios domésticos nos últimos anos. No segundo capítulo, utilizado o marco político-filosófico de John Rawls, sustenta-se a ideia de que a estabilidade financeira sustentável ao longo do tempo é uma questão de justiça básica que deve influenciar o desenho político-institucional em sociedades democráticas constitucionais. Nesse sentido, afirma-se a possibilidade de geração de um consenso sobreposto, segundo o ideal de razão pública, quanto à necessidade de estabelecimento de instituições, relativamente descoladas dos ciclos político-eleitorais e dotadas de especialização técnica, responsáveis pelo planejamento e acompanhamento público e transparente da sustentabilidade da execução da política monetária e da regulação financeira sistêmica propriamente dita no longo prazo. Adicionalmente, em razão da globalização financeira dos mercados, discorre-se sobre os limites e possibilidades do ideal de razão pública nos organismos financeiros internacionais (redes globais de governo), instituídos para definir padrões de regulação financeira sistêmica, e são feitos comentários acerca da existência de um Direito Administrativo Global. No terceiro capítulo, defende-se a ideia de razão prática regulatória como a diretriz adequada de atuação sustentável do Estado na economia com foco em resultados, a fim de estimular o progresso nos processos regulatórios, mediante o uso do better regulation como paradigma de análise de custos e benefícios. Após, expõe-se a noção de juridicidade administrativa como a mais compatível com a Constituição, além de defender-se a legitimidade democrática e o poder normativo das agências reguladoras financeiras. Por fim, com fundamento nas características do desenho institucional da estrutura regulatória brasileira, são formuladas propostas de aprimoramento institucional. No último capítulo, são feitos comentários sobre as vantagens, limites e riscos de judicialização dos processos regulatórios financeiros em democracias constitucionais, o que motiva a construção de parâmetros institucionais e materiais de atuação judicial, posteriormente analisados em precedentes importantes julgados no Brasil nos últimos anos.

Responsabilidade socioambiental da empresa de petróleo e gás

O contexto da modernização reflexiva leva ao questionamento sobre o papel das instituições tradicionais, notadamente o Poder Executivo. É possível pressupor que o modelo da sociedade de risco se reflete em alterações no direito e na economia do Brasil. Os riscos tornaram-se uma constante e exigem substituições nas formas de atuação social, o que Ulrich Beck denomina de subpolítica. A mudança é sentida especialmente em setores centrais para economia, tais como o de petróleo e gás, enquanto os riscos globais são sentidos na crise ambiental. Uma vez que as instituições, na Sociedade de Risco, são levadas a rever sua atuação, o empresariado recebe a tarefa de encontrar mecanismos para superar a crise ambiental. A responsabilidade socioambiental da empresa passa a ser exigida como contrapartida pelos lucros obtidos, especialmente para atividades potencialmente poluentes, como a petrolífera. O princípio da precaução, o desenvolvimento sustentável e a equação financeira do contrato podem ser vetores para a adoção da responsabilidade socioambiental pela indústria petrolífera. Mas para que esta possa ser vista como uma nova razão pública deve se demonstrar que ela pode motivar a evolução da sociedade como um todo. A Rio+20 definiu a economia verde como uma nova meta, principalmente para as atividades potencialmente poluentes. O objetivo central do trabalho é investigar a regulação das empresas de petróleo e gás, especialmente sobre a possibilidade de adoção da responsabilidade socioambiental. Ressalte-se que esta visa impor medidas de conservação e ações pró meio ambiente, além daquelas já estipuladas por força legal ou pelo licenciamento ambiental. A pesquisa visa apresentar possíveis soluções para os questionamentos acima, garantindo segurança jurídica para empresas de petróleo e gás, mas ao mesmo tempo visando ampliar a sustentabilidade do setor, propondo novas regras que podem ser adotadas nos editais de licitação e nos contratos de concessão e partilha de produção. Em um momento que se debate a possibilidade de direcionamento dos royalties do petróleo exclusivamente para a educação o estudo de medidas jurídicas para implementar a responsabilidade socioambiental no setor petrolífero torna-se ainda mais necessária.

Religious Political Parties and the Limits of Political Liberalism

Political parties have only recently become a subject of investigation in political theory. In this paper I analyse religious political parties in the context of John Rawls’s political liberalism. Rawlsian political liberalism, I argue, overly constrains the scope of democratic political contestation and especially for the kind of contestation channelled by parties. This restriction imposed upon political contestation risks undermining democracy and the development of the kind of democratic ethos that political liberalism cherishes. In this paper I therefore aim to provide a broader and more inclusive understanding of ‘reasonable’ political contestation, able to accommodate those parties (including religious ones) that political liberalism, as customarily understood, would exclude from the democratic realm. More specifically, I first embrace Muirhead and Rosenblum’s (Perspectives on Politics 4: 99–108 2006) idea that parties are ‘bilingual’ links between state and civil society and I draw its normative implications for party politics. Subsequently, I assess whether Rawls’s political liberalism is sufficiently inclusive to allow the presence of parties conveying religious and other comprehensive values. Due to Rawls’s thick conceptions of reasonableness and public reason, I argue, political liberalism risks seriously limiting the number and kinds of comprehensive values which may be channelled by political parties into the public political realm, and this may render it particularly inhospitable to religious political parties. Nevertheless, I claim, Rawls’s theory does offer some scope for reinterpreting the concepts of reasonableness and public reason in a thinner and less restrictive sense and this may render it more inclusive towards religious partisanship.

Identity, Unity, and the Limits of Democracy

Can the demos be uncoupled from the ethnos? Can there be a democratic politics of state‐boundaries, or are borders a condition of the possibility of democratic politics rather than a possible subject for those politics? The author argues for the decoupling strategy and affirms the possibility of a democratic politics about borders, anchoring the discussion in the politics of Northern Ireland. The argument turns on the analysis of public reasoning. It is argued first that culturalist accounts of self‐determination are misconceived and that political institutions, and not cultural identity, make collective self‐determination possible. Second, that the demos is constituted by acts of mutual recognition required by the practice of public reasoning, and that this practice cannot be confined with state‐boundaries. Taken together this allows us to conceive of the unity of a people as constituted by practices of public reason, given effect by institutions whose configuration is never finally fixed.

La despenalización del aborto en una sociedad liberal : el caso colombiano

El presente artículo pretende exponer un debate de filosofía política sobre un problema moral álgido: el aborto. Partiendo de la base de que en todas las democracias occidentales una cuestión central en esta discusión tiene que ver con quién es, en último término, el que debe o puede decidir sobre la legalidad del mismo, lo que aquí se analiza es el problema de diseño y legitimidad constitucional con que se responde en una democracia liberal a esta controversia. Reconociendo que no son pocas las ocasiones en que este controvertido debate moral ha dividido profundamente a la sociedad, el presente artículo tiene como objetivo específico explicar brevemente cuál fue el mecanismo utilizado para lograr la “despenalización” del aborto en Colombia, para luego analizar la justicia del procedimiento, las pretensiones de quienes promovieron la acción de constitucionalidad y, así mismo, la decisión de la Corte Constitucional a la luz del modelo de justicia de John Rawls, especialmente a la luz del concepto de consenso traslapado. Lo anterior, con el propósito de defender la postura de que, al menos en el modelo jurídico-político colombiano, existen serios reparos frente a quienes consideran que la Corte Constitucional es el órgano democráticamente competente para cerrar el debate respecto al aborto.

Análisis del fenómeno migratorio y la idea de razón pública

El análisis del fenómeno migratorio contextualizado en el mundo globalizado, y de la idea de razón pública planteada por el filósofo John Rawls, son el tema principal del presente trabajo. Si bien en la actualidad se han ofrecido diferentes aproximaciones académicas a estudios migratorios, la idea de razón pública, en este caso específico, es clave para comprender las dificultades normativas que surgen a la hora de defender y reconocer las exigencias y derechos de inmigrantes al interior de una nueva sociedad, pues en su teoría, Rawls considera tanto el tipo de relación que deben tener los ciudadanos con el gobierno y la relación que deben tener los ciudadanos entre sí como algunas de las problemáticas más frecuentes que presenta el fenómeno migratorio, a saber, qué tipo de obligación tendrían los Estados con los grupos inmigrantes. El punto fundamental aquí es la defensa de estos derechos de manera justa, es decir, atendiendo al camino que debería seguirse para mantener los principios de igualdad, libertad y autonomía de estos grupos en una sociedad democrática y liberal.

Rethinking public service media and citizenship: digital strategies for news and current affairs at Australia’s Special Broadcasting Service

This article considers the concept of media citizenship in relation to the digital strategies of the Special Broadcasting Service (SBS). At SBS, Australia’s multicultural public broadcaster, there is a critical appraisal of its strategies to harness user-created content (UCC) and social media to promote greater audience participation through its news and current affairs Web sites. The article looks at the opportunities and challenges that user-created content presents for public service media organizations as they consolidate multiplatform service delivery. Also analyzed are the implications of radio and television broadcasters’ moves to develop online services. It is proposed that case study methodologies enable an understanding of media citizenship to be developed that maintains a focus on the interaction between delivery technologies, organizational structures and cultures, and program content that is essential for understanding the changing focus of 21st-century public service media.

2010–2011 Queensland floods : using Haddon's Matrix to define and categorise public safety strategies

Objective The 2010–2011 Queensland floods resulted in the most deaths from a single flood event in Australia since 1916. This article analyses the information on these deaths for comparison with those from previous floods in modern Australia in an attempt to identify factors that have contributed to those deaths. Haddon's Matrix, originally designed for prevention of road trauma, offers a framework for understanding the interplay between contributing factors and helps facilitate a clearer understanding of the varied strategies required to ensure people's safety for particular flood types. Methods Public reports and flood relevant literature were searched using key words ‘flood’, ‘fatality’, ‘mortality’, ‘death’, ‘injury’ and ‘victim’ through Google Scholar, PubMed, ProQuest and EBSCO. Data relating to reported deaths during the 2010–2011 Queensland floods, and relevant data of previous Australian flood fatality (1997–2009) were collected from these available sources. These sources were also used to identify contributing factors. Results There were 33 deaths directly attributed to the event, of which 54.5% were swept away in a flash flood on 10 January 2011. A further 15.1% of fatalities were caused by inappropriate behaviours. This is different to floods in modern Australia where over 90% of deaths are related to the choices made by individuals. There is no single reason why people drown in floods, but rather a complex interplay of factors. Conclusions The present study and its integration of research findings and conceptual frameworks might assist governments and communities to develop policies and strategies to prevent flood injury and fatalities.

Public use and perceptions of emergency departments: A population survey

Objectives To inform demand management strategies aimed at reducing congestion in EDs by: (i) identifying public use of EDs, decision-making and reasons; and (ii) measuring acceptance of alternative care models. Methods A cross-sectional telephone survey of a random sample of Queensland population aged 18 years or older residing in a dwelling unit in Queensland that could be contacted on a land-based telephone service was conducted. One person per household was selected according to a predetermined algorithm to ensure sex and regional balance were interviewed. The main outcome measures were: ED use, attitudes towards ED staff and services, and alternative models of care. Results The final sample included a total of 1256 respondents (response rate = 40.3%). Twenty-one per cent attended EDs in the preceding 12 months. The decision to attend was made by patients (51%), health and medical professionals (31%), and others (18%). The main reasons included perceived severity of the illness (47%), unavailability of alternative services (26%) and better care (11%). Most respondents agreed with more flexible care models of service delivery including incentives for general practitioners (90%), private health insurance coverage for ED use (89%), and enhanced roles for paramedics and nurses. Conclusions Main reason for attending ED is perceived severity of illness, followed by lack of alternative care. The majority of both consumers and the public are in favour of more flexible care models. However, further research is necessary to detail those alternatives and to test and validate their effectiveness.

Applying Habermas's critical theory to public administration and policy: A case study of Florida Everglades restoration program

The foundation of Habermas's argument, a leading critical theorist, lies in the unequal distribution of wealth across society. He states that in an advanced capitalist society, the possibility of a crisis has shifted from the economic and political spheres to the legitimation system. Legitimation crises increase the more government intervenes into the economy (market) and the "simultaneous political enfranchisement of almost the entire adult population" (Holub, 1991, p. 88). The reason for this increase is because policymakers in advanced capitalist democracies are caught between conflicting imperatives: they are expected to serve the interests of their nation as a whole, but they must prop up an economic system that benefits the wealthy at the expense of most workers and the environment. Habermas argues that the driving force in history is an expectation, built into the nature of language, that norms, laws, and institutions will serve the interests of the entire population and not just those of a special group. In his view, policy makers in capitalist societies are having to fend off this expectation by simultaneously correcting some of the inequities of the market, denying that they have control over people's economic circumstances, and defending the market as an equitable allocator of income. (deHaven-Smith, 1988, p. 14). Critical theory suggests that this contradiction will be reflected in Everglades policy by communicative narratives that suppress and conceal tensions between environmental and economic priorities. Habermas’ Legitimation Crisis states that political actors use various symbols, ideologies, narratives, and language to engage the public and avoid a legitimation crisis. These influences not only manipulate the general population into desiring what has been manufactured for them, but also leave them feeling unfulfilled and alienated. Also known as false reconciliation, the public's view of society as rational, and "conductive to human freedom and happiness" is altered to become deeply irrational and an obstacle to the desired freedom and happiness (Finlayson, 2005, p. 5). These obstacles and irrationalities give rise to potential crises in the society. Government's increasing involvement in Everglades under advanced capitalism leads to Habermas's four crises: economic/environmental, rationality, legitimation, and motivation. These crises are occurring simultaneously, work in conjunction with each other, and arise when a principle of organization is challenged by increased production needs (deHaven-Smith, 1988). Habermas states that governments use narratives in an attempt to rationalize, legitimize, obscure, and conceal its actions under advanced capitalism. Although there have been many narratives told throughout the history of the Everglades (such as the Everglades was a wilderness that was valued as a wasteland in its natural state), the most recent narrative, “Everglades Restoration”, is the focus of this paper.(PDF contains 4 pages)