965 resultados para New Right


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Chest pain is a common presenting symptom in emergency departments, and a typical manifestation of acute myocardial infarction (AMI). Recognition of ECG changes in AMI is essential for timely diagnosis and treatment. Right bundle branch block (RBBB) may be an isolated sign of AMI, and was previously considered as a criterion for fibrinolytic therapy. Since the most recent European Society of Cardiology and American Heart Association guidelines in 2013, RBBB alone is no longer considered a diagnostic criterion of AMI, even if it occurs in the context of acute chest pain, as RBBB does not usually interfere with the interpretation of ST-segment alteration. Our case illustrates an acute septal myocardial infarction with an isolated RBBB, and thus the importance of recognising this pattern in order to permit timely diagnosis and treatment.

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This research focused on the re-emerging of national and minority identities and the concomitant hostilities emerging from them in Hungary and in Romania. In particular the findings indicate that extremist incidents against members of minority groups on the local level seem to follow patterns in publicised media events. Violent attacks by skinheads against Gypsies in Hungary are often isolated incidents but are also inadvertently supported by biased media coverage, hostile majority attitudes and stereotyped behaviour reproduced in the media. The research also indicates that extremism both in Hungary against Gypsies and in Romania against Hungarians is of three kinds: organised within the framework of extremist groups, state-supported violence (both real and symbolic), and isolated, local instances with a few perpetrators committing atrocities. However, and this is a positive development, with rising interethnic tensions and extremist attacks prevalent in Hungary and Romania, there is also a parallel emergence of a more sophisticated human and minority rights campaign to combat them.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Recently, political voices have stressed the need to introduce a right to be forgotten as new human right. Individuals should have the right to make potentially damaging information disappear after a certain time has elapsed. Such new right, however, can come in conflict with the principle of free speech. Therefore, its scope needs to be evaluated in the light of appropriate data protection rules. Insofar, a more user-centered approach is to be realized. “Delete” can not be a value as such, but must be balanced within a new legal framework.

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This thesis examines the rise and decline of the New Left in Toronto from 1958 to 1985. It argues that New Leftism — whose three leading ideals were self-management, national liberation, and community — arose as much from the Old Left as it did from the peace movement. In contrast to earlier readings that interpret the New Left narrowly — essentially, as the combined forces of the white student and peace movements evident mainly on university campuses — this thesis documents the extent to which New Leftism, interpreted as a political formation, provided a framework for a diversity of radical social movements, especially feminism, Black Power, gay liberation, resistance to the capitalist redevelopment of the city, and transnational solidarity. It also questions a declensionist narrative that adopts a “decadal” approach to the radicalism of the sixties, according to which 1970 spelled the end of “60s” radicalism. Quite the contrary, this thesis argues: in Toronto, it would be truer to say that 1970s were “the sixties,” in that only in this later decade did many New Left movements attain their full maturity. New Leftists successfully challenged a host of institutions, sometimes with permanent effects. The educational system was transformed. Cultural institutions and practices were revolutionized. Questions of race and gender, once peripheral to the left, were made central to it. Democratic community institutions became far more powerful. A token of the strength and durability of the New Left in Toronto was the extent to which it remained the bête noir of a series of other radical groups upholding the model of the vanguard communist party — which challenged the New Leftists’ prominence but many members of which often wound up agreeing with their positions. It was only in the early 1980s, with the ascent of a new right, that Toronto’s New Left unmistakably entered a period of decline. Yet, even then, many of its key themes were picked up by fast-growing anarchist and socialist feminist currents. Far from constituting a minor phenomenon, Toronto’s New Left, one of the largest movements for social justice in Canadian history, bequeathed to its progressive successors an imposing legacy of struggle and cultural achievements. It is the purpose of this thesis to evaluate, both critically and sympathetically, the extent to which the New Left attained its radical ambition.

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Populist radical right parties have become major political actors in Europe. This paper analyses the path and the different phases that have led them from the fringes of public debate to their present signifi cance, which is based on their capacity to attract electoral support and infl uence the political agendas in their respective countries. Besides, an analysis of the core ideological beliefs of these parties, and of the topics on which their mobilization capacity rests, is provided, as well as of the type of voters that are attracted by them. Finally, the authors discuss the meaning and impact of the growing popularity of the ideas and proposals put forward by the populist radical right parties.

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This research investigates the use of Artificial Intelligence (AI) systems for profiling and decision-making, and the consequences that it poses to rights and freedoms of individuals. In particular, the research considers that automated decision-making systems (ADMs) are opaque, can be biased, and their logic is correlation-based. For these reasons, ADMs do not take decisions as human beings do. Against this background, the risks for the rights of individuals combined with the demand for transparency of algorithms have created a debate on the need for a new 'right to explanation'. Assuming that, except in cases provided for by law, a decision made by a human does not entitle to a right to explanation, the question has been raised as to whether – if the decision is made by an algorithm – it is necessary to configure a right to explanation for the decision-subject. Therefore, the research addresses a right to explanation of automated decision-making, examining the relation between today’s technology and legal concepts of explanation, reasoning, and transparency. In particular, it focuses on the existence and scope of the right to explanation, considering legal and technical issues surrounding the use of ADMs. The research analyses the use of AI and the problems arising from it from a legal perspective, studying the EU legal framework – especially in the data protection field. In this context, a part of the research is focused on transparency requirements under the GDPR (namely, Articles 13–15, 22, as well as Recital 71). The research aims to outline an interpretative framework of such a right and make recommendations about its development, aiming to provide guidelines for an adequate explanation of automated decisions. Hence, the thesis analyses what an explanation might consist of, and the benefits of explainable AI – examined from legal and technical perspectives.

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The present dissertation has as object of study the right to be forgotten, a new right for increase the control of subject over their data. It’s analyzed the data protection on Internet, especially, some scenarios of processing and the regulation applicable to it (directive 95/46/CE and directive 2002/58/CE).

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Esta tese se concentra na participação das crianças no jornalismo feito para elas. Buckingham (2009) entende que as crianças devem exercer os seus direitos de participação, estabelecidos na Convenção sobre os Direitos da Criança (1989), também na área da produção midiática. Isto significa que as crianças devem dizer, para os produtores e legisladores de mídia, os seus desejos e sugestões, críticas e concordâncias, além de produzir conteúdos próprios. Para o investigador britânico, isso está relacionado ao que ele chama de “direito das crianças à representação”, garantia que não está abarcada pela Convenção. O objetivo desse novo direito seria o de que as crianças não só sejam ouvidas mas também criem e defendam melhores formas de representação das infâncias contemporâneas, através da participação nos canais de mídia. Além disso, as representações das crianças apresentadas no discurso jornalístico são parte do quadro social e cultural que forma o que entendemos por infância contemporânea (e que a distingue do que é “ser adulto”). A imprensa voltada especificamente para as crianças pode entender melhor o cotidiano dos meninos e meninas e, através de representações da(s) infância(s) mais complexas, pode lembrar à sociedade que as crianças também estão envolvidas em questões gerais, como a organização cultural e socioeconômica de suas cidades, de seus países ou do mundo — expandindo o conceito de infância aceito atualmente. Os canais de participação oferecidos pelos meios de comunicação e as novas formas de comunicação que as crianças têm à sua disposição, através da internet, são possíveis formas de assegurar o direito defendido por Buckingham. Mas as crianças têm vindo a utilizar as novas formas digitais de participação para se comunicar com os jornalistas que escrevem para elas? Existe um interesse voluntário das crianças neste tipo de participação? São comentários enviados diretamente por elas ou por seus responsáveis, preocupados com os conteúdos dos veículos que oferecem aos seus filhos, netos e alunos? Para responder a essas questões, analisamos 515 cartas e e-mails enviados para duas revistas feitas para crianças, no Brasil (“Ciência Hoje das Crianças”) e em Portugal (“Visão Júnior”), em 2013-14. Entrevistamos ainda crianças de nove a 16 anos de idade em ambos os países. Analisando a amostra de mensagens, vimos que os leitores (a maioria crianças, e não adultos responsáveis por elas) escrevem intensamente para ambas as revistas e que eles estão usando mais o e-mail para esta atividade — embora no Brasil não tenham abandonado completamente o papel quando a comunicação é gerada na escola. Nesse país, o uso da internet por crianças nas escolas é menor do que em Portugal. Como conclusões, entendemos que a integração digital não tende a aumentar a comunicação on-line com essas revistas de papel, porém ela expande as fontes de informação acessadas pelas crianças — ainda que elas nem sempre consigam diferenciar entretenimento de informação jornalística. Esses meninos e meninas, voluntariamente ou incentivados pelos professores (aparentemente não por pais ou colegas), veem o espaço para publicação de cartas do leitor nas revistas como uma plataforma por meio da qual podem intervir na oferta editorial. Mas isso acontece de forma “reforçadora”, ou seja, pedindo mais do que eles já veem e apreciam. Acreditamos ser necessário investimento em literacia midiária, através da mediação dos pais e da escola, para estimular as crianças a pedirem um jornalismo melhor, de uma forma que elas ainda nem sabem ser possível. //

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The present dissertation has as object of study the right to be forgotten, a new right for increase the control of subject over their data. It’s analyzed the data protection on Internet, especially, some scenarios of processing and the regulation applicable to it (directive 95/46/CE and directive 2002/58/CE).

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Kirjallisuusarvostelu

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Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal