The loss of trust in the European Union during the great recession since 2007: The role of heuristics from the national political system

How can we explain the decline in support for the European Union (EU) and the idea of European integration after the onset of the great recession in the fall of 2007? Did the economic crisis and the austerity policies that the EU imposed—in tandem with the IMF—on several member countries help cause this drop? While there is some evidence for this direct effect of EU policies, we find that the most significant determinant of trust and support for the EU remains the level of trust in national governments. Based on cue theory and using concepts of diffuse and specific support, we find that support for the EU is derived from evaluations of national politics and policy, which Europeans know far better than the remote political system of the EU. This effect, however, is somewhat muted for those sophisticated Europeans that are more knowledgeable about the EU and are able to form opinions about it independently of the national contexts in which they live. We also find that the recent economic crisis has led to a discernible increase in the number of those who are disillusioned with politics both at the national and the supranational level. We analyze 133 national surveys from 27 EU countries by estimating a series of cross-classified multilevel logistic regression models.

Caucuses of 1860 : A history of the national political conventions of the current presidential campaign ...Compiled from the correspondence of the Cincinnati commercial, written On the circuit of the conventions, and the official reports /

Microform.

The condition of our national political parties : an occasional paper on the role of the political process in the free society /

Cover title.

The problem of national integration in plural societies : a case study of Pakistan, 1947-71 /|nMuhammed A. Quddus. -- 260 St. Catharines [Ont. : s. n.],

Pakistan had a plural society per excellence. Its people were divided geographically between two separate regions, spoke different languages, had different cultures and economic structures. Like other plural societies elsewhere, Pakistan also faced the problem of national integration. Cleavages along the lines of traditional attachments are fundamental to any plural society, as they were in Pakistan. But their political manifestation could have been kept within managable limits if the Central Government, overwhelmingly composed of the West Pakistanis, was seriously committed to the task. All that Pakistan needed to maintain her integrated existence was deliberate, calculated and conscious efforts on the part of the Central Government to give the Bengalis, the majority linguistic and geographic group in the country, a partnership in the state of Pakistan, an effective power in the decision-making process of the country, a reasonable share from the economic resources of the country, and to show respect to their hopes and aspirations. In addition, Pakistan needed a national platform to bring her divergent linguistic and geographic groups toge~her for some common, national purpos~s. Political parties were the only institutions which could have served this purpose. Pakistan miserably failed to sustain national political parties and failed to satisfy Bengalis' demands. This failure eventually resulted in the falling apart of the political system of Pakistan in 1971.

Conflicting Cantonalisms: Disputed Sub-national Territorial Identities in Switzerland

The importance of constituent units for democratic federations, in general, and of the Swiss cantons for the Swiss Confederation, in particular, is beyond doubt. What is less clear, however, is how to solve conflicting views on the number and type of such units. The Swiss case offers two highly topical examples in this regard: the merger of the two ‘half-cantons’ Basel-City and Basel-Country, on the one hand, and the creation of a new canton encompassing canton Jura and the French-speaking area of canton Berne, on the other. In comparing different sub-national political identities at play in these two cases, the strength of ‘cantonalism’—understood as attachment to and identification with a canton—in Switzerland in the 21st century is shown. Second, different manifestations of cantonalism are compared: centre-periphery in Basel, linguistic vs. religious in Jura. Finally, the similar direct-democratic pathways chosen to solve both conflicting understandings of cantonalism testify to the Swiss commitment to peaceful, negotiated and popularly sanctioned settlements.

Creating Stability: National Preferences and the Origins of European Monetary System. CES Germany & Europe Working Papers, No. 00.9, December 2000

This essay compares the preferences of France, Italy, and Britain on the creation of the European Monetary System in 1978-1979, especially the Exchange Rate Mechanism, which stabilised nominal exchange rates. My claim is that the different conclusions reached by the governments (France and Italy in, Britain out) cannot be explained by economic circumstances or by interests, and I elaborate an intervening institutional variable which helps explain preferences. Deducing from spatial theory that where decisionmakers `sit' on the left-right spectrum matters to their position on the EMS, I argue that domestic constitutional power-. sharing mechanisms privilege certain actors over others in a predictable and consistent way. Where centrists were in power, the government's decision was to join. Where left or right extremists were privileged, the government's decision was negative. The article measures the centrism of the governments in place at the time, and also reviews the positions taken by the national political parties in and out of government. It is intended to contribute to the growing comparativist literature on the European Union, and to the burgeoning literature on EU-member-state relations.

Making sense of the ‘difficult’ past:transmission of political heritage and memory-work among young people across Europe

This article considers young people’s socialization into mnemonic communities in 14 European countries. It argues that such socialization is an intersubjective and selective process that, to a great degree, depends on the particular social environment that conditions the discourses on pasts available to young people. Drawing on memory studies, it recognizes memory as a valid alternative to the institutionalized past (history) but envisages the two as inextricably connected. Given this, it identifies several strategies adopted by young people in order to socialize understandings of the past. While these strategies vary, some reveal receptivity to populist and far right ideologies. Our study demonstrates how internalization of political heritage via mnemonic socialization within families is conditioned by both the national political agenda and socio-economic situation experienced across Europe.

Imigrantes bolivianos em São Paulo : a Praça Kantuta e o futebol

Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física

A manipulação do tópico discursivo como estratégia da preservação de face

Como em toda interação há o desejo de construir perante os outros uma imagem favorável de si próprio (Goffman, 1967), as entrevistas constituem-se em um espaço de confronto, já que é impossível controlar a imagem que um participante faz do outro. Sendo assim, neste trabalho, faz-se uma análise discursivo-pragmática de entrevistas impressas, tendo como base a noção de face, elaborada por Goffman (1967); a Teoria da Polidez, de Brown e Levinson (1987) e a noção de tópico discursivo como princípio de organização textual-discursiva, Koch (1992), Jubran (1992) e Lins (2008). Deste modo, focaliza-se o contexto de interação verbal em entrevistas a figuras do cenário político estadual/nacional realizadas pelo Jornal A Gazeta, publicadas nos anos de 2004, 2006 e 2008. Nas entrevistas, observa-se como acontecem os atos de ameaça às faces positiva e negativa na relação entrevistador-entrevistado, bem como quais estratégias de polidez eles utilizam para salvar e preservar as suas faces a partir do gerenciamento do tópico discursivo, tendo em vista que os atos de ameaça às faces positiva e negativa podem ser minimizados a partir de estratégias de manipulação do tópico. As principais questões que norteiam este estudo são: a necessidade de construção de face positiva é situação sine qua non para convivência social? É característico no gênero Entrevista a manipulação do tópico como estratégia de preservação de face? Quais estratégias de manipulação de tópico discursivo caracterizam a preservação de face? Dessa forma, esta pesquisa se põe relevante no interior das pesquisas sobre linguagem, uma vez que nela são tecidas reflexões sobre questões muito discutidas pela academia ultimamente, porém de forma separada: manipulação do tópico discursivo, no âmbito da Linguística Textual, e preservação de face, no âmbito da Pragmática.

Eleições europeias ou eleições para Marte?

Há países que introduziram o voto obrigatório. É uma hipótese. Outra mais credível seria fazer uma profunda reforma do sistema político europeu e nacional, nomeadamente introduzindo uma quota apreciável de deputados que deveriam ter exclusividade de funções. § Abstract: There are countries that have introduced compulsory voting. It is a hypothesis. Another more credible would make a profound reform of the European and national political system, such as introducing a significant share of deputies should have exclusive functions.

O futuro da liderança de topo na administração pública portuguesa. Forças motrizes e cenários possíveis.

Dissertação de mestrado em Administração Pública, orientada pelo Professor Doutor J. A. Oliveira Rocha apresentada na Escola de Economia e Gestão da Universidade do Minho, em 2006.

The Evolution of Population Distribution on the Iberian Peninsula: A Transnational Approach (1877–2001)

Surpassing the national perspective usually adopted, the authors confirmed the existence of a pattern of population distribution common to the whole Iberian Peninsula in the long run. This pattern is clearly associated with geographical factors. These variables seem to have more weight in explaining changes between 1877/78 and 1940 than in the period from 1940 to 2001. The observation of the cross-border region has shown that proximity to the frontier has not generated any distinct pattern of population density on either side of the boundary line. The spatial coherence of the observed phenomena throughout the Peninsula and of its evolution, independent of the border between states, reinforces the importance of geographic factors in their explanation. At the same time, this verification opens up new issues related to the effect of national political and economic policies.

Política de la competència de la Unió Europea en el sector audiovisual. El cas dels operadors públics estatals de televisió a Espanya i el Regne Unit: RTVE i BBC

Estudi elaborat a partir d’una estada al Center for Socio-Legal Studies de la Universitat d’Oxford, Gran Bretanya, entre setembre del 2006 i gener del 2007. L'objectiu d'aquesta recerca ha estat determinar i avaluar com la política de la competència de la Unió Europea ha contribuït a la configuració del sector públic televisiu espanyol i britànic. El marc teòric està basat en el concepte d’ “europeització”, desenvolupat per Harcourt (2002) en el sector de mitjans, i que implica una progressiva referencialitat de les polítiques estatals amb les europees mitjançant dos mecanismes: la redistribució de recursos i els efectes en la socialització de la política europea. Per tal de verificar aquest impacte en el sector televisiu, la recerca ha desenvolupat una aproximació en dues etapes. En primer lloc, a banda de fer un inicial repàs bibliogràfic s'han estudiat les accions de la Comissió Europea en aquest terreny, sobre tot la Comunicació sobre aplicació de la reglamentació d'ajudes públiques al sector de la radiodifusió de 2001. En una segona etapa, s'han desenvolupat un seguit d'entrevistes personals a directius i polítics del sector a Brussel•les, Londres i Madrid. Els resultats de la recerca mostren que el procés d’Europeïtzació es un fenomen creixent en el sector audiovisual públic a Espanya i el Regne Unit, però que encara les peculiaritats estatals juguen un factor preponderant en regular aquesta influència de la UE. L'anàlisi de les entrevistes qualitatives mostren també que hi ha una relació inversament proporcional entre la tradició democràtica i el grau d’influència i de referència que suposa la UE en el sector audiovisual. Mentre que el Regne Unit, l'acció de la política de la competència de la UE es percep com a element suplementari, a Espanya la seva referencialitat ha estat clau, tot i que no decisiva, per la reforma dels mitjans públics estatals.