La nation anglo-allemande de l'Université de Paris pendant la domination anglo-bourguignonne (1418-1436)

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

The neo-liberal state and the crisis of public service broadcasting in the Anglo-American democracies /

The NeO'liberal State and the Crisis ofPublic Service Broadcasting in the Anglo-American Democracies The purpose ofthis analysis ofthe present condition ofpublic service broadcasting in the Anglo- American democracies was to investigate whether such media can still be regarded as the primarypublic spherefor a dialogue between each nation 's civil society and the State. The motivationfor this thesis was based on a presumption that such fora for public discussion on the central issues of each society have become viewed as less relevant bypoliticians andpolicy-makers and thepublics they were intended to serve in the Anglo-American democracies over thepast two decades. It is speculated that this is the case because ofa beliefthat the post-war consensus between the respective States andpublics that led to the construction of the Keynesian Welfare State and the notion ofpublic service broadcasting has been displaced by an individualistic, neo-liberal, laissez-faire ideology. In other words, broadcasting as a consumer-oriented, commercial commodity has superseded concerns pertaining to the importance ofthe public interest. The methodology employed in this thesis is a comparative analysisfrom a criticalpolitical economy perspective. It was considered appropriate to focus on the United Kingdom, Australia, Canada and the\ United States because they comprise the four largest Anglo-American nations with democratic political systems andprimarily market economies. Justificationfor this particular sample is reinforced by thefact that case study countries also share a common socio-political and economic tradition. The evidence assembledfor this thesis consisted almost exclusively ofexisting literature on the subjects ofpublic service broadcasting, global economic andpolitical integration, and the ascendance ofthe 'free-market ' ethos in Western democracies since the late mid- to late-1970s. In essence, this thesis could be considered as a reinterpretation ofthe existing literature relevant to these issues. Several important common features werefound among the political, economic and broadcasting systems of the four case study nations. It is proposed that the prevalence of the neo-liberal world view throughout the political and policy environments of the four countries has undermined the stability and credibility of each nation 's national public service broadcasting organization, although with varying intensity and effect,. Deregulation ofeach nation 's broadcasting system and the supremacy ofthe notion of 'consumer sovereignty' have marginalized the view of broadcasting on any basis other than strictly economic criteria in thefour case study countries. This thesis concludes that,for a reconstruction ofa trulyparticipatory anddemocraticpublicsphere to be realized in the present as well as thefuture, a reassessment ofthe conventional concept ofthe 'public sphere ' is necessary. Therefore, it is recommended that thefocus ofpolicy-makers in each Anglo-American democracy be redirectedfrom that which conceived ofan all-encompassing, large, state-ownedand operated public broadcasting service toward a view which considers alternativeforms ofpublic communication, such as local community and ethnic broadcasting operations, that are likely to be more responsive to the needs of the increasingly diverse and heterogeneous populations that comprise the modem Anglo-American democracies. The traditional conception of public broadcasters must change in accordance with its contemporary environment if the fundamental principles of the public sphere and public service broadcasting are to be realized.

Eduard Wechssler (1869-1949): Im Dienste der deutschen Nation

Der Berliner Professor Eduard Wechssler ist einer der wichtigsten und Vertreter der romanistischen „Kultur- und Wesenskunde“ Frankreichs in der Zeit von 1914 bis 1933. Die vorliegende Untersuchung rekonstruiert seine Biographie und Bibliographie und stellt sie in den politischen, intellektuellengeschichtlichen, bildungspolitischen und disziplingeschichtlichen Zusammenhang der Epoche. Sie fragt außerdem nach den Vorstellungen von Frankreich, die Wechssler verbreitete, nach dem Ziel seiner Bemühungen, das „Wesen des Deutschen und des Franzosen“ zu beschreiben und – unabdingbar – nach seiner tatsächlichen Beziehung zum Nationalsozialismus. Das umfassendste Werk Wechsslers, „Esprit und Geist“ (1927), eine Anleitung für Lehrer und Studenten und wichtigster Ausdruck der „Wesenskunde“, findet besondere Beachtung. Sein deklariertes Hauptziel war es, den Nachbarn und durch ihn wiederum sich selbst besser kennen zu lernen, um den Krieg, wenn auch verspätet, wenigstens auf anderem Niveau, doch noch zu gewinnen. „Esprit und Geist“ dient in dieser Studie als Grundlage für die Beschreibung von Genese und Entwicklung der Ideen Wechsslers durch sein schriftliches Gesamtwerk hindurch. Aufschlussreich sind in diesem Zusammenhang auch die Reaktionen auf dieses Buch, z.B. von Henri Lichtenberger, Félix Bertaux, Victor Klemperer, Benedetto Croce, Hermann Platz, Fritz Schalk u.a. Eine ausführliche Darstellung der „Conférences françaises“, zu denen Wechssler zwischen 1926 und 1934 französische Schriftsteller und Philosophen ans Romanische Seminar der Universität Berlin einlud, um den Studenten und sonstigen Interessierten das „junge Frankreich“ nahe zu bringen, zeigt die Bedeutung dieser Veranstaltung im Rahmen des kulturellen Austausches zur Zeit der Weimarer Republik. Abschließend findet Wechsslers Tätigkeit als Leiter des Instituts für Portugal und Brasilien zwischen 1936 und 1939 Erwähnung, das offiziell die Aufgabe hatte, die kulturellen Beziehungen zwischen Portugal und Brasilien auf der einen und Deutschland auf der anderen Seite zu pflegen.

The Anglo Cluster: Legacy of the British Empire

The Anglo cluster comprises Australia, Canada, England, Ireland, New Zealand, South Africa (White sample), and the United States of America. These countries are all developed nations, predominantly English speaking, and were all once British colonies. Today, they are amongst the wealthiest countries in the world. The GLOBE results show that the Anglo cluster is characterized by an individualistic performance orientation. Further, although they value gender equality, the Anglo cluster countries tend to be male-dominated in practice. Effective leadership in the Anglo cultures is affected by a combination of charismatic inspiration and a articipative style.

Leadership in the Asian Century: Lessons from GLOBE

In this paper, based on the results of the Global Leadership and Organizational Behavior Effectiveness (GLOBE) 61-nation study of culture and leadership, we present findings related to three ‘clusters’ of countries. These clusters are: (1) the ‘Anglo culture’ cluster (Australia, Canada, Ireland, New Zealand, white South Africa, UK, and USA), the ‘Southern Asia’ cluster (Iran, India, Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, and the Philippines), and the ‘Confucian Asia’ cluster (China, Hong Kong, Japan, Singapore, South Korea, and Taiwan). Data from the GLOBE study, reporting middle managers’ perceptions of societal practices and values, and of the factors that facilitate and inhibit effective leadership will be compared across the three clusters. Results demonstrate that, despite differences in cultures, especially cultural values, perceptions of effective leadership vary substantially only in respect of the extent that participation is seen to facilitate leadership. In the Anglo cluster, participative leadership is seen as much more facilitative of leadership, than in either of the Asian clusters. Results are discussed in terms of effective leadership styles suitable for management in the twenty-first century, where Asian economies are likely to play a more dominant role than they have in recent history.

The myth of the nation: Historiography of New Zealand architecture since 1907

This paper considers the relationship between the recent historiography (of the last quarter century) of “New Zealand architecture” and the historical notion of “New Zealand-ness” invoked in contemporary architecture. It argues that a more recent programmatic uptake of post-War discussions on national identity and regional specificity has fed the tendencies of practicing architects to defer to history in rhetorical defences of their work: the beach-side mansion as a contemporary expression of the 1950s bach; a formal modernism divorced from the social discourse adherent to the historical moment that it “restates”; and so on. The paper will consider instances in the historiography of New Zealand architecture where historians have compounded, consciously or accidentally, a problem that is systemic to the uses made by architects of historical knowledge (in the most general examples), identifying the difficulties of relying upon the tentative conclusions of an under-studied field in developing principles of contemporary architectural practice under the banners of New Zealand-ness, regionalism, or localism, or with reference to icons of New Zealand architectural history. At the heart of this paper is a reflection on historiographical responsibility in presenting knowledge of a national past to an audience that is eager to transform that knowledge into principles of contemporary production. What, the paper asks, is the historical basis for speaking of a New Zealand architecture? Can we speak of a national history of architecture distinct from a regional history, or from an international history of architecture?

Good readers and good citizens: Literature, media and the nation

IN recent decades nationalism has sometimes been classed in the same category of immoral behaviours as racism and sexism. Reading from the historical and literary record, nationalism often appears to have been little other than racism and sexism. Race was the very basis of the national settlement in early twentieth-century Australia; how profoundly, I think, is something we still have to learn. How far are we from thinking in terms of First Nations as a way of acknowledging Indigenous Australia? Our easy familiarity with and moral superiority to' pre- I967 Australia and the White Australia Policy means that there are many degrees of Australian racism that remain hidden from commonplace historical knowledge·:' Australians still tend to think of South Africa as belonging to-another time and place altogether, another moral universe and historical trajectory. This was not a mistake that colonial Australians made. The parallels will become less and less resistible.

Reviews

Reviews the books `Along the Faultlines: Sex, Race and Nation in Australian Women's Writing, 1880s-1930s,' by Susan Sheridan and `Writing the Colonial Adventure: Race, Gender and Nation in Anglo-Australian Popular Fiction, 1875-1914,' by Robert Dixon.