L'occupation de la Ruhr et le révisionnisme de l'ordre versaillais dans deux grands journaux français (1920-1924)

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Contested urbanism: Access and control issues in Tundikhel, Kathmandu

Contested Open Spaces?: Access and control issues in Tundikhel, Kathmandu

Public spaces play a role of political, economic and cultural transformation of cities and the impact of these transformations on the nature of public space.

Urban open space(s) in Kathmandu have been an important part of the city’s urbanism. Historically they have played an important role in the city as spaces for religious, cultural, social and political and military activities during the 300 years of unified monarchy. Throughout the civil war period (Maoist insurgency between 1996 and 2006) they became material locations for political activities, and a site for protests and dharnas. In post-conflict Kathmandu, especially since the abolition of Monarchy in May 28, 2008, these spaces are increasingly seen being claimed by street hawkers, informal sellers and individuals reflecting a new set of users and functions, whereas a significant part of Tundikhel still remains under the military occupation posing important questions around access, identity and control of an important space.


Public spaces are broadly defined as crossroads where different paths and trajectories meet, sometimes overlapping and other times colliding (Madanipour, 2003). Using Tudikhel in Kathmandu, this research examines the increasing collision and contestations witnessed through social, political and neoliberal interactions. It explores how spaces are constantly
contested, negotiated and as a result reshaped through these interactions. It is observed that multiple forces are at play to gain control and access of this important open space, leading to increasing fragmentation of the space, and erosion of its historic significance both as cultural venue and a symbol of democracy in modern Nepal. It is argued that increasing disconnection of Tudikhel from wider urban setting has contributed to exacerbation of these contestations

Members of "The Samoan Expeditionary Force" who made the supreme sacrifice in the Great War, 1914-1918

[by Stephen John Smith, late 5th (Wellington) Regiment, secretary Samoa administration in military occupation, 1915-1918]

Das recht der kriegseroberung in beziehung auf staatscapitalien.

Mode of access: Internet.

Editorial

Presents an article on the impact of continuing military occupation on women in Iraq or Afghanistan. Punishment imposed on prostitution; Work opportunities for Iraqi women; Increase in the restrictions on women's movements.

The Proceedings of the South Carolina Historical Association

Annually, the association publishes a journal, The Proceedings, which consists of papers presented at the annual meeting. The Protestant Missionary in China: Problems of the First Treaty Period, 1842-1860 by Gordon K. Harrington French Communism and the Non-Communist Intellectuals, 1949 by Frederick F. Ritsch The Charles Town Board of Police, 1780-1782: A Study in Civil Administration under Military Occupation by George S. McCowen, Jr. Racism in the Administrations of Governor Cole Blease by Ronald D. Burnside The Twentieth Century: Age of the Dictators by Preston W. Slosson

Las empresas energéticas y la gran estrategia estadounidense hacia Irak : una reflexión sobre el rol de Exxon Mobil y Chevron como grupos económicos y de presión (2001- 2011)

La monografía pretende explicar el rol desempeñado por Exxon Mobil y Chevron en la formulación de la Gran Estrategia del gobierno Bush hacia Irak. Especialmente, se sostiene que las dos compañías multinacionales mencionadas lograron que la intervención militar en Irak, fuera pensada como un objetivo fundamental de la política energética del gobierno Bush. Para lograr este objetivo, Chevron y Exxon aprovecharon principalmente su posición en la economía nacional estadounidense. De hecho, lograron celebrar contratos a largo plazo para la extracción del crudo y de gas en Irak. Fundamentándose en un análisis documental, estas compañías son analizadas como grupos de presión empresarial y grupos económicos, cuyos beneficios derivados de la invasión en Irak pueden encontrarse incluso durante el gobierno Obama.

Notes of the war in Spain; detailing occurences military and political, in Galicia, and at Gibraltar and Cadiz, from the fall of Corunna to the occupation of Cadiz by the French.

Mode of access: Internet.

Defense force management : occupation, distribution, and composition : report to the Chairman, Subcommittee on Military Personnel and Compensation, Committee on Armed Services, House of Representatives /

"B-246105"--P. 1.

Between Imaginary Lines: Violence and its Justifications at the Military Checkpoints in Occupied Palestine

Looking at one site, the Israeli checkpoints in the occupied Palestinian territory, this article seeks to understand the mechanisms by which violence can present itself as justifiable (or justified), even when it materializes within frames presumably set to annul it. We look at the checkpoints as a condensed microcosmos operating within two such frames. One is the prolonged IsraeliPalestinian ‘peace process’ (the checkpoints became a primary technology of control in the period following the beginning of the peace process), and the other is regulatory power (disciplinary and biopower), which in the Foucauldian framework presumably sidelines the violent form which sovereign power takes. We argue that the checkpoints, which dissect the Palestinian occupied territories into dozens of enclaves and which are one of the most effective and destructive means of control within the current stage of occupation, can be seen as more than obstacles in the way of Palestinian movement; we suggest that they also function as corrective technologies that are meant to fail. It is with this failure that violence can appear as justified. In order to show the operation of this embedded failure, we examine one mechanism operating within the checkpoints: ‘the imaginary line’. The imaginary line is both a component within, and an emblem of a mode of control that constantly undoes itself in order to summon violence. Since it is never visibly marked in the physical space, the imaginary line is bound to be unintentionally crossed, thereby randomly rendering Palestinians as ‘transgressors’ of the rule and thus facilitating eruptions of violence by the soldiers stationed at the checkpoints. This article proposes an analysis of this hidden demarcation of space in order to question the different relations between subjects and power which it both assumes and constitutes.

Grant of Permission for lease of military lands from Sir Robert Prescott to Thomas Clark, 1798-1801.

Transcript (original spelling and grammar retained): By His Excellency Robert Prescott Esquire, Captain General and Governor in Chief in and over His Majestys Provinces of Upper and Lower Canada, General and Commander in Chief of all His Majesty’s forces in the Provinces of Upper and Lower Canada, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and their several Dependencies and in the Island of Newfoundland &ca. &ca. &ca. I do hereby authorise and permit Thomas Clark of Queenstown in the County of Lincoln in the Province of Upper Canada merchant to take possession of all that Lot, piece and parcel of Land (being part of the land reserved by his Majesty for Military purposes) situate, lying and being at Queenstown in the Township of Newark, in the Home District in the said Province of Upper Canada, bounded and abutted as follows, that is to say beginning at the Distance of two Chains and ninety links from the South East End of his Majesty’s Store House, the said distance being measured along the Bank up Stream, thence South thirty nine degrees and an half West one Chain and fifty links thence south fifty degrees and an half East one Chain and thirty links thence North thirty nine degrees and an half East to the Edge of the Bank and from thence along the Bank to the place of beginning, containing thirty one perches and one hundred and twenty five square links and to occupy and hold the said Lot, piece and parcel of Land during pleasure subject nevertheless to the provisoes and Conditions herein after contained, that is to say. First on condition that it shall and may be lawful to and for His Majesty his Heirs and Successors and to and for the Commander in Chief of His Majesty Forces for the time being and to and for the Officer commanding his Majesty’s Forces in Upper Canada for the time being and to and for either of them to determine and make void this present permission to occupy during pleasure the said Lot, Piece or Parcel of Land above described at any time hereafter whenever he or they shall see fit so to do without any compensation or indemnification to the said Thomas Clark or any other Person or Persons whosoever for any Loss Injury or Damage which he the said Thomas Clark or any other Person or Persons whosoever may thereby sustain. Secondly on this further Condition that it shall and may be lawful to and for His Majesty his Heirs and Successors and to and for his and their Officers, Soldiers and Servants at any time hereafter by order of the Commander in Chief of His Majesty’s Forces for the time being or by order of the Officer commanding his Majesty’s forces in Upper Canada for the time being or by order of the Officer of His Majesty’s Corps of Royal Engineers commanding in the said Province of Upper Canada for the time being to enter upon the said Lot Piece and parcel of Land which the said Thomas Clark is hereby permitted to occupy during pleasure or upon any part thereof and to take down and from the said Lot piece and parcel of Land or from any part thereof to remove any dwelling House Store or other Buildings on the said Lot, piece or Parcel of Land or any part thereof erected and to remove any goods or Chattels on the said Lot piece and parcel of Land or on any part thereof or on any such dwelling House Store or other building found or being and that His Majesty his Heirs and Successors or any other Person or Persons whosoever shall not be liable or responsible to the said Thomas Clark or to any other Person or Persons whosoever for any Loss, Injury or Damage which he or they shall or may in such case sustain. Thirdly on this further Condition that the said Thomas Clark shall not erect on the said Lot Piece or Parcel of Land which the said Thomas Clark is hereby permitted to occupy during pleasure or upon any part thereof at any time or times hereafter any dwelling House store or other Building whatsoever of Stone or brick or of any other materials wood only exccepted and that if any dwelling House or Store or other building of Stone or brick or of any other materials except wood shall at any time be erected on the said Lot, piece or parcel of Land or upon any part thereof, then and in such case, this present permission and every Clause and Article thereof shall from thenceforth cease and determine and be absolutely and entirely null and void. And lastly on this further Condition that the said Thomas Clark or any other Person whosoever shall not assign this permission to occupy the said Lot, Piece or Parcel of Land above described to any Person of Persons whosoever, and if any such assignment shall be made by the said Thomas Clark or by any other Person in his right, or on his behalf, that then and in such case such assignment and this permission to occupy during pleasure the said Lot piece and parcel of Land above described, and every Clause and Article thereof shall from thenceforth cease and determine and be absolutely and entirely null and void. Given under my hand at the Castle of St. Lewis in the City of Quebec in the Province of Lower Canada this Ninth day of July in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety eight and in the thirty eighth year of His Majesty’s Reign. [Signed here by Robert Prescott] By Order of the Commander in Chief [Signed here by James Green (Illegible signature)] I the said Thomas Clark above named do hereby accept the above written Permission to occupy during pleasure the said Lot piece and parcel of Land above described upon and subject to the several Provisioes and Conditions above written and each and every of them severally and respectively. In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand the Sixteenth day of August in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety eight and in the thirty eighth year of His Majesty’s Reign. [Signed here by Thomas Clark] Signed in the presence of [Illegible signature – looks like J. M Donell Lt. Col.] [Illegible – looks like 2d. Battn R. C. Sm?] [Signed here by C. Anderson] Whereas Inconveniences did arise from the peculiar situation of the Ground contiguous to the above described Lot of Land and the occupation thereof, if estimated by the above Limits would prove highly disadvantageous to Mr. Thomas Clark be it known that in consideration thereof we do permit the above Lot to extend one half Chain more in length up stream so as to comprehend the space allowed for the Road between Lots Two + Three, and we do hereby appropriate the said additional space wholly to the use of the said Thomas Clark. In witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed this Thirteenth Day of October in the Year of our Lord one thousand Eight Hundred and one. [Signed here by J. M’Donell Lt. Col] 2d. Battn. R. C. [in?] Com of Fort George + Dependencies Robt. Pilkington Captain Royal Engineers

Le contrôle du Conseil de sécurité en matière d'occupation impliquant ses membres permanents

Le Conseil de sécurité est l’organe principal du système onusien chargé du maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationales. Face à une situation illégale, il ne peut donc l’ignorer et s’en désintéresser. Cependant, la perpétration d’un acte à la légalité controversée par l’un ou plusieurs de ses membres permanents peut nous laisser entendre que l’organe politique onusien aura des difficultés à remplir son rôle. Les membres permanents vont tenter d’instrumentaliser le Conseil de sécurité afin de diminuer l’illégalité de la situation. Ceci pose avec acuité le problème du contrôle de son activité en matière de maintien de la paix. L’accomplissement d’un acte illégal par un ou plusieurs membres permanents du Conseil de sécurité nécessite alors de réfléchir à des moyens d’ordre juridique pour limiter son pouvoir. Cette réflexion s’avère particulièrement pressante lorsque le Conseil est confronté à une occupation de guerre impliquant ses membres permanents ou, lorsqu’il crée ou autorise des opérations de paix de grandes envergures suite à un conflit armé impliquant ses membres permanents. Afin de limiter les prérogatives du Conseil de sécurité, le régime juridique de l’occupation tel qu’énoncé par le Règlement de La Haye (IV) de 1907 et la IVe Convention de Genève de 1949 devrait être appliquer par l’organe politique onusien lorsqu’il intervient dans une situation d’occupation de guerre impliquant ses membres permanents. L’objectif est d’éviter qu’il n’attribue aux puissances occupantes des missions qui dépassent le cadre juridique imposé par le droit des conflits armés. L’autorisation, par le Conseil de sécurité d’opérations de paix, telles qu’une administration civile transitoire ou une force multinationale avec un mandat de la paix avec recours à la force armée, suite à un conflit armé impliquant ses propres membres permanents, ouvre le débat sur leur réglementation. Alors, il sera proposé une interprétation progressiste de la définition de l’occupation telle qu’énoncée par le Règlement de La Haye (IV) de 1907 et la IVe Convention de Genève de 1949 afin d’y intégrer ces nouvelles formes d’occupations pacifiques, présentant de grandes similitudes avec les occupations de guerre. Ainsi, le régime juridique de l’occupation pourra leur être appliqué.

Does Israel Follow the Law? A Critical Analysis of Israel's Application of the International Law of Belligerent Occupation in the Occupied Territories

Israel's occupation of territories it captured in 1967 has become one of the longest and most controversial occupations of the last fifty years. Eschewing the traditional political analysis of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, this paper aims to explore whether Israel has adequately applied international law in the occupied territories, in particular, the law of belligerent occupation. The two actors under assessment are the Israeli government, particularly its military which enforces and maintains the law in the territories, and the Supreme Court of Israel, which has the power of review over military actions in the territories. The particular issues of the occupation that are critically analyzed are the general legal framework that Israel established in the territories, Israel's civilian settlement policy in territories, and Israel's construction of a barrier in the West Bank. This paper concludes that Israel has incorrectly applied the legal framework of belligerent occupation by refusing to apply the Fourth Geneva Convention; it has wrongly concluded that the establishment of civilian settlements in the territories conform with international law; yet it has rightly concluded that the construction of the barrier in the West Bank is permissible under international law, in contrast to the conclusion of the much publicized International Court of Justice's Advisory Opinion on the 'Wall.' Along with these general assessments, the author will also provide some historical and political insight into why the Israeli government and the Supreme Court may have applied the law in the way that they did.

The U.S. Army in the occupation of Germany, 1944-1946 /

Mode of access: Internet.