346 resultados para Downtown redevelopment
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Cette recherche porte sur la mise en oeuvre de stratégies visant à stimuler le développement résidentiel au centre-ville de Montréal depuis la fin des années 1980 . En nous appuyant sur une double étude de cas portant sur le redéveloppement de deux friches périphériques à la vieille ville, le faubourg Québec et le faubourg des Récollets, nous montrons comment les pouvoirs publics locaux peuvent, par le biais de diverses mesures incitatives, faire converger les stratégies d’affaires des promoteurs immobiliers avec les objectifs urbanistiques de l’administration. D’une manière parfois improvisée, les pouvoirs publics montréalais ont ainsi mis en place un système d’opportunités et de contraintes dans le but d’inciter les promoteurs à investir dans les faubourgs. Notre recherche constate que bien que le système mis en place par les pouvoirs publics ait laissée indifférente une majorité de promoteurs, il a néanmoins permis à un petit nombre d’entre eux de se tailler une place sur le marché, ceux-ci pouvant maintenant jouer un rôle actif dans le renouvellement du centre-ville, et ce bien au-delà des limites des faubourgs.
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From October 2014 to March 2015, I provided excavation oversight services at a property with substantial environmental concerns. The property in question is located near downtown Seattle and was formerly occupied by the Washington’s first coal gasification plant. The plant operated from 1888 to 1908 and produced coal gas for municipal use. A coal tar like substance with a characteristically high benzene concentration was a byproduct of the coal gasification process and heavily contaminated at or below the surface grade of the plant as shown in previous investigations on the property. Once the plant ceased operation in 1908 the property was left vacant until 1955 when the site was filled in and a service station was built on the property. The main goal of the excavation was not to achieve cleanup on the property, but to properly remove what contaminated soil was encountered during the redevelopment excavation. Areas of concern were identified prior to the commencement of the excavation and an estimation of the extent of contamination on the property was developed. “Hot spots” of contaminated soil associated with the fill placed after 1955 were identified as areas of concern. However, the primary contaminant plume below the property was likely sourced from the coal gasification plant, which operated at an approximate elevation of 20 feet. We planned to constrain the extents of the soil contamination below the property as the redevelopment excavation progressed. As the redevelopment excavation was advanced down to an elevation of approximately 20 feet, soil samples were collected to bound the extents of contamination in the upper portion of the site. The hot spots, known pockets of carcinogenic polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (cPAH) located above 20 feet elevation, were excavated as part of the redevelopment excavation. Once a hot spot was excavated, soil samples were collected from the north, south, east, west and bottom sidewalls of the hot spot excavation to check for remaining cPAH. Additionally, four underground storage tanks (USTs) associated with the service station were discovered and subsequently removed. Soil samples were also collected from the resulting UST excavation sidewalls to check for remaining petroleum hydrocarbons. Once the excavation reached its final excavation depth of 20 to 16 feet in elevation, bottom of excavation samples were collected on a 35 foot by 35 foot grid to test for concentrations of contaminants remaining onsite. Once the redevelopment excavation was complete, soils observed from borings drilled for either structural elements, geotechnical wells, or environmental wells were checked for any evidence of contamination using field screening techniques. Evidence of contamination was used to identify areas below the final excavation grade which had been impacted by the operation of the coal gasification plant. Samples collected from the excavation extents of hot spots and USTs show that it was unlikely that any contamination traveled from the post-1955 grade down to the pre-1955 grade. Additionally, the lack of benzene in the bottom of excavation samples suggests that a release from the coal gasification plant occurred below the redevelopment excavation final elevations of 20 to 16 feet. Qualitative data collected from borings for shoring elements and wells indicated that the spatial extent of the subsurface contaminant plume was different than initially estimated. Observations of spoils show that soil contamination extends further to the southwest and not as far to the east and north than originally estimated. Redefining the extent of the soil contamination beneath the property will allow further subsurface investigations to focus on collecting quantitative data in areas that still represent data gaps on the property, and passing over areas that have shown little signs of contamination. This information will help with the formation of a remediation plan should the need to clean up the site arise in the future.
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In this study, we present 10 m resolution tsunami flooding maps for Lisbon downtown and the Tagus estuary. To compute these maps we use the present bathymetry and topographic maps and a reasonable estimate for the maximum credible tsunami scenario. Tsunami modeling was made with a non-linear shallow water model using four levels of nested grids. The tsunami flood is discussed in terms of flow depth, run-up height and maximum inundation area. The results show that, even today, in spite of the significant morphologic changes in the city river front after the 1755 earthquake, a similar event would cause tsunami flow depths larger than one meter in a large area along the Tagus estuary and Lisbon downtown. Other areas along the estuary with a high population density would also be strongly affected. The impact of the tide on the extent of tsunami inundation is discussed, due to the large amplitude range of the tide in Lisbon, and compared with the historical descriptions of the 1755 event. The results presented here can be used to identify the potential tsunami inundation areas in Lisbon; this identification comprises a key element of the Portuguese tsunami emergency management system.
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A view from Schmon Tower.
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Halftone photographic postcard showing the Mary Louise Tea Room, in the Barker Brothers Department Store in downtown Los Angeles, California. The tea room was run by Dolla Harris, sister of C. C. Chapman.
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The City of St. Catharines, located on the southern shore of Lake Ontario, is Niagara Region's only major urban node. Like many small/medium-sized cities in Canada and abroad, the city experienced a rapid decline of large-scale manufacturing in the 1990s. In a renewed attempt to recover from this economic depression, and spurred by Provincial policy, the City implemented the Downtown Creative Cluster Master Plan (DCCMP) in 2008. In this thesis I conduct a discourse analysis of the DCCMP. My analysis indicates that DCCMP is shaped by neoliberal economic development paradigms. As such it is designed to restructure the downtown into a creative cluster by attracting developers/investors and appealing to the interests, tastes, and desires of middle-class consumers and creatives. I illustrate that this competitive city approach to urban planning has a questionable track record, and has been shown to result in retail and residential gentrification and displacement.
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Good afternoon, and thank you for inviting me to be here with you today. One of the things I'm enjoying most in my new position as University of Nebraska Vice President of Agriculture and Natural Resources and Harlan Vice Chancellor of the Institute of Agriculture and Natural Resources is meeting the people who live in this state, in urban and rural areas, from Scottsbluff to Omaha, from Lincoln to Curtis, and at any number of towns - north, south, east, west - in between.
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En las últimas tres décadas, las dinámicas de restructuración económica a nivel global han redefinido radicalmente el papel de las ciudades. La transición del keynesianismo al neoliberalismo ha provocado un cambio en las políticas urbanas de los gobiernos municipales, que han abandonado progresivamente las tareas de regulación y redistribución para centrarse en la promoción del crecimiento económico y la competitividad. En este contexto, muchas voces críticas han señalado que la regeneración urbana se ha convertido en un vehículo de extracción de valor de la ciudad y está provocando la expulsión de los ciudadanos más vulnerables. Sin embargo, la regeneración de áreas consolidadas supone también una oportunidad de mejora de las condiciones de vida de la población residente, y es una política necesaria para controlar la expansión de la ciudad y reducir las necesidades de desplazamiento, promoviendo así ciudades más sostenibles. Partiendo de la hipótesis de que la gobernanza de los procesos de regeneración urbana es clave en el resultado final de las operaciones y determina el modelo de ciudad resultante, el objetivo de esta investigación es verificar si la regeneración urbana es necesariamente un mecanismo de extracción de valor o si puede mejorar la calidad de vida en las ciudades a través de la participación de los ciudadanos. Para ello, propone un marco de análisis del proceso de toma de decisiones en los planes de regeneración urbana y su impacto en los resultados de los planes, tomando como caso de estudio la ciudad de Boston, que desde los años 1990 trata de convertirse en una “ciudad de los barrios”, fomentando la participación ciudadana al tiempo que se posiciona en la escena económica global. El análisis se centra en dos operaciones de regeneración iniciadas a finales de los años 1990. Por un lado, el caso de Jackson Square nos permite comprender el papel de la sociedad civil y el tercer sector en la regeneración de los barrios más desfavorecidos, en un claro ejemplo de urbanismo “desde abajo” (bottom-up planning). Por otro, la reconversión del frente marítimo de South Boston para la construcción del Distrito de Innovación nos acerca a las grandes operaciones de regeneración urbana con fines de estímulo económico, tradicionalmente vinculadas a los centros financieros (downtown) y dirigidas por las élites gubernamentales y económicas (la growth machine) a través de procesos más tecnocráticos (top-down planning). La metodología utilizada consiste en el análisis cualitativo de los procesos de toma de decisiones y la relación entre los agentes implicados, así como de la evaluación de la implementación de dichas decisiones y su influencia en el modelo urbano resultante. El análisis de los casos permite afirmar que la gobernanza de los procesos de regeneración urbana influye decisivamente en el resultado final de las intervenciones; sin embargo, la participación de la comunidad local en la toma de decisiones no es suficiente para que el resultado de la regeneración urbana contrarreste los efectos de la neoliberalización, especialmente si se limita a la fase de planeamiento y no se extiende a la fase de ejecución, y si no está apoyada por una movilización política de mayor alcance que asegure una acción pública redistributiva. Asimismo, puede afirmarse que los procesos de regeneración urbana suponen una redefinición del modelo de ciudad, dado que la elección de los espacios de intervención tiene consecuencias sobre el equilibrio territorial de la ciudad. Los resultados de esta investigación tienen implicaciones para la disciplina del planeamiento urbano. Por una parte, se confirma la vigencia del paradigma del “urbanismo negociado”, si bien bajo discursos de liderazgo público y sin apelación al protagonismo del sector privado. Por otra parte, la planificación colaborativa en un contexto de “responsabilización” de las organizaciones comunitarias puede desactivar la potencia política de la participación ciudadana y servir como “amortiguador” hacia el gobierno local. Asimismo, la sustitución del planeamiento general como instrumento de definición de la ciudad futura por una planificación oportunista basada en la actuación en áreas estratégicas que tiren del resto de la ciudad, no permite definir un modelo coherente y consensuado de la ciudad que se desea colectivamente, ni permite utilizar el planeamiento como mecanismo de redistribución. ABSTRACT In the past three decades, the dynamics of global economic restructuring have radically redefined the role of cities. The transition from keynesianism to neoliberalism has caused a shift in local governments’ urban policies, which have progressively abandoned the tasks of regulation and redistribution to focus on promoting economic growth and competitiveness. In this context, many critics have pointed out that urban regeneration has become a vehicle for extracting value from the city and is causing the expulsion of the most vulnerable citizens. However, regeneration of consolidated areas is also an opportunity to improve the living conditions of the resident population, and is a necessary policy to control the expansion of the city and reduce the need for transportation, thus promoting more sustainable cities. Assuming that the governance of urban regeneration processes is key to the final outcome of the plans and determines the resulting city model, the goal of this research is to verify whether urban regeneration is necessarily a value extraction mechanism or if it can improve the quality of life in cities through citizens’ participation. It proposes a framework for analysis of decision-making in urban regeneration processes and their impact on the results of the plans, taking as a case study the city of Boston, which since the 1990s is trying to become a "city of neighborhoods", encouraging citizen participation, while seeking to position itself in the global economic scene. The analysis focuses on two redevelopment plans initiated in the late 1990s. The Jackson Square case allows us to understand the role of civil society and the third sector in the regeneration of disadvantaged neighborhoods, in a clear example of bottom-up planning. On the contrary, the conversion of the South Boston waterfront to build the Innovation District takes us to the big redevelopment efforts with economic stimulus’ goals, traditionally linked to downtowns and led by government and economic elites (the local “growth machine”) through more technocratic processes (top-down planning). The research is based on a qualitative analysis of the processes of decision making and the relationship between those involved, as well as the evaluation of the implementation of those decisions and their influence on the resulting urban model. The analysis suggests that the governance of urban regeneration processes decisively influences the outcome of interventions; however, community engagement in the decision-making process is not enough for the result of the urban regeneration to counteract the effects of neoliberalization, especially if it is limited to the planning phase and does not extend to the implementation of the projects, and if it is not supported by a broader political mobilization to ensure a redistributive public action. Moreover, urban regeneration processes redefine the urban model, since the choice of intervention areas has important consequences for the territorial balance of the city. The results of this study have implications for the discipline of urban planning. On the one hand, it confirms the validity of the "negotiated planning" paradigm, albeit under public leadership discourse and without a direct appeal to the leadership role of the private sector. On the other hand, collaborative planning in a context of "responsibilization" of community based organizations can deactivate the political power of citizen participation and serve as a "buffer" towards the local government. Furthermore, the replacement of comprehensive planning, as a tool for defining the city's future, by an opportunistic planning based on intervention in strategic areas that are supposed to induce change in the rest of the city, does not allow a coherent and consensual urban model that is collectively desired, nor it allows to use planning as a redistribution mechanism.
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O crescimento espraiado e periférico das cidades nos países dependentes, tal qual o Brasil, tem reproduzido um movimento de segregação socioespacial das classes de baixos rendimentos, as quais são relegadas a condições ambientais insalubres. Nos países centrais do capitalismo, sob formas distintas, se observa também desde os anos 1960 discussões com respeito à expansão urbana para áreas cada vez maiores, seja por fenômenos como o urban sprawl anglo-saxão, ou a urbanização difusa, dos países da Europa latina. Diante desse quadro, com a publicação do Livro Verde sobre o Ambiente Urbano, documento elaborado em 1990 pela Comissão das Comunidades Européias para fornecer subsídios à elaboração das políticas urbano-ambientais, tem se propagado a ideia de que a promoção de “cidades compactas” seria uma solução adequada para reverter o atual estágio de expansão urbana para novas áreas, aumentando as densidades demográficas em áreas infraestruturadas, sobretudo por meio da reabilitação de edificações e terrenos ociosos localizados nos centros tradicionais, os quais tem passado por processos de abandono, perda de população e deterioração física do patrimônio edificado. Tendo isso em vista, na presente comunicação temos por objetivo analisar como a temática ambiental tem se inserido no contexto das discussões sobre a requalificação de centros antigos com foco na promoção de habitações para as classes populares. Para tal realizamos revisão da literatura sobre o tema proposto bem como procuramos identificar os princípios que tem regido tais políticas com relação ao tema ambiental. A relevância do tema encontra-se na necessidade de buscar caminhos alternativos a política habitacional e urbana brasileira, a qual tem reproduzido um modelo predatório de reprodução do espaço urbano.
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The downtown main street of small towns is traditionally the economic, cultural, and social heart of the community, thereby requiring particular attention from planners and researchers alike. Considering modern threats to main streets including suburban sprawl and "big box" development, revitalization strategies are essential to ensuring longevity and vitality of small towns’ cores, in terms of economy, built environment, heritage, and identity. The Main Street Approach was established to mitigate challenges by providing a revitalization tool-kit for small Canadian towns, focusing on organization, marketing and promotion, economic and commercial development, and design and physical improvements. To better understand existing municipal tools for downtown revitalization in Ontario, a comparative analysis of the towns of Carleton Place and Perth's policies was conducted using the four pillars of the Main Street Approach as benchmark for best practice, and recommendations for other small towns to better incorporate revitalization policies were suggested.