783 resultados para Cooperative movement


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The response of some Argentine workers to the 2001 crisis of neoliberalism gave rise to a movement of worker-recovered enterprises (empresas recuperadas por sus trabajadores or ERTs). The ERTs have emerged as former employees took over the control of generally fraudulently bankrupt factories and enterprises. The analysis of the ERT movement within the neoliberal global capitalist order will draw from William Robinson’s (2004) neo-Gramscian concept of hegemony. The theoretical framework of neo-Gramscian hegemony will be used in exposing the contradictions of capitalism on the global, national, organizational and individual scales and the effects they have on the ERT movement. The ERT movement has demonstrated strong level of resilience, despite the numerous economic, social, political and cultural challenges and limitations it faces as a consequence of the implementation of neoliberalism globally. ERTs have shown that through non-violent protests, democratic principles of management and social inclusion, it is possible to start constructing an alternative social order that is based on the cooperative principles of “honesty, openness, social responsibility and caring for others” (ICA 2007) as opposed to secrecy, exclusiveness, individualism and self-interestedness. In order to meet this “utopian” vision, it is essential to push the limits of the possible within the current social order and broaden the alliance to include the organized members of the working class, such as the members of trade unions, and the unorganized, such as the unemployed and underemployed. Though marginal in number and size, the members of ERTs have given rise to a model that is worth exploring in other countries and regions burdened by the contradictory workings of capitalism. Today, ERTs serve as living proofs that workers too are capable of successfully running businesses, not capitalists alone.

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In recent years, organizational culture has become one of the common themes of interest of scientific and academic research. Each organization has its own unique cultural identity. Based on the recognition that organizational culture is considered important to an organization’s results, and social economy organizations are concerned with improving managerial practices and results, our objective is to study organizational culture in cooperatives: identifying their organizational culture as a specific type of organization of the social economy, recognized as increasingly important economic agents; and in doing so, explore the usage of a widely known model, the Competing Values Framework (Quinn & Rohrbaugh 1983). Three cooperatives were studied. Their presidents were interviewed, and a questionnaire was applied to cooperative members to obtain demographic and organizational culture data. Differences between the cooperatives’ cultural profiles seem to be consistent with both the circumstances of Portuguese social economy organizations (SEOs), and to the organizations’ uniqueness regarding their trade, focuses, and history. International firm trends were compared with this study’s results, and also appear to be explained by the SEO’s management practices evolution standpoint: lack of structured way of working, and the need to improvise and innovate in order to get things done. The importance of our research is held in the fact that social economy, and the cooperative movement in particular, has a developing importance in the expansion of many economies, the lack of literature on culture in SEOs, and the exploratory usage of a well-known model of management literature in cooperatives.

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In recent years, organizational culture has become one of the common themes of interest of scientific and academic research. Each organization has its own unique cultural identity. Based on the recognition that organizational culture is considered important to an organization’s results, and social economy organizations are concerned with improving managerial practices and results, our objective is to study organizational culture in cooperatives: identifying their organizational culture as a specific type of organization of the social economy, recognized as increasingly important economic agents; and in doing so, explore the usage of a widely known model, the Competing Values Framework (Quinn & Rohrbaugh 1983). Three cooperatives were studied. Their presidents were interviewed, and a questionnaire was applied to cooperative members to obtain demographic and organizational culture data. Differences between the cooperatives’ cultural profiles seem to be consistent with both the circumstances of Portuguese social economy organizations (SEOs), and to the organizations’ uniqueness regarding their trade, focuses, and history. International firm trends were compared with this study’s results, and also appear to be explained by the SEO’s management practices evolution standpoint: lack of structured way of working, and the need to improvise and innovate in order to get things done. The importance of our research is held in the fact that social economy, and the cooperative movement in particular, has a developing importance in the expansion of many economies, the lack of literature on culture in SEOs, and the exploratory usage of a well-known model of management literature in cooperatives.

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Tutkimuksen tarkoituksena on osallistua liiketaloustieteissä käytävään keskusteluun osuustoimintayritysten kilpailuedun lähteistä. Tutkimus on luonteeltaan laadullinen haastattelututkimus ja tutkielman empiirisenä aineistona toimivat kohdeorganisaatioiden S-ryhmän ABC-ketjun ja Suomalaisen Energiaosuuskunnan (SEO) johtajien haastattelut. Tutkimuksen tavoitteena on kirjallisuuden ja haastattelujen pohjalta ymmärtää ja kuvata, mitä on osuustoiminnan kilpailuetu ja tarjoaako osuustoiminnallisuus itsessään sekä yritysmuotona kilpailuetua Suomen huoltoasemaliiketoiminnassa. Tutkimuksen mukaan osuustoiminta tarjoaa kilpailuetua huoltoasemaliiketoiminnassa erityisesti organisaatiomuodon vuoksi. S-ryhmän ABC-ketjun keskeisiä kilpailuetuja ovat paikallisuus, asiakasomistajuus, bonusjärjestelmä, asemaverkosto, huoltoasemakonsepti ja toimitusketjun kustannustehokkuus. Suomalaisen Energiaosuuskunnan (SEO) kilpailuetuja ovat puolestaan suomalaisuus, paikallisuus ja yrittäjävetoisuus.

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Pray and work. The development of Onni Puhakka: from innovator to nonconformist This ethnological biographical study examines the modernization which began in the mid-1800s, continued into the mid-1900s, and has changed Finnish society in many ways. This era has been studied on a general level quite extensively, but this work explores the life and everyday experiences of Onni Puhakka (1870−1955), a farmer who spent most of his life in the town of Liperi. The goal is to find new perspectives on the development of the modernization process in society through the experiences of an individual. In this study, a central theme is the rural co-operative movement represented in Finland by Pellervo as well as its development in this country and as a significant undertaking in Onni Puhakka’s life. The co-operative movement was one of the most significant sectors affecting modernization in rural communities. The main character in the study is the grandfather of the present author, and thus this research belongs to the newly accepted ethnological research tradition of studying one’s own community. Written documents, mainly collected and preserved by Onni Puhakka himself during his lifetime, form the research material. The material consists mainly of Puhakka’s extensive correspondence, personal notes and diaries, documents related to his farm, and photographs taken by him. Earlier research and other written material examining the general development of the period were used to provide a background for the study. The co-operative movement formed a comprehensive ideology for Onni Puhakka, in which the possibilities for the development of both individuals and the community were combined. His life was based on a religious conviction, and he felt that the co-operative movement was the application of Christian love for one’s neighbour in practice. At the beginning of his active working career, Puhakka was an innovator, a reformer at the forefront of progress, but quite soon he became a sworn critic of the development of the co-operative movement in particular. One of Puhakka’s criticisms of the co-operative movement was the shifting of decision-making power to professional managers and central organizations, far from the reach of local actors. A fundamental reason for his dissatisfaction was the development within the co-operative movement in which the ideological background was forgotten, and economic goals and making a profit took an excessive significance. This assessment of the co-operative movement made by Onni Puhakka and his predictions about its development were not unfounded. This has been shown by several studies examining the development of both the Pellervo and working class cooperative movements. The professionalization of management, managerialism, as well as the direct links between professional managers of local co-operatives and central organizations have lead to the situation in which fewer and fewer people make the decisions, and management has as its goal economic success and growth. Co-operative enterprises that have grown in size have become estranged from the everyday life of their members. Instead of taking care of relations with the membership of the co-op, competitive ability and the market share have become the most important concerns of the management. As the membership has become alienated, their interest in large-scale co-ops has also become largely economic. A significant change among the membership of the Pellervo movement occurred at the stage when the co-operative movement shifted from rural areas to urban centres. This meant that the commitment of the membership became much looser than it had been in the farmers’ production and consumer co-ops. From the point of view of its members, the nature of the co-operative movement has become diametrically opposed to its point of departure: the active members who previously formed the subject of the co-operative movement have become the object of the economic activities of that same movement. The co-operative movement has been transformed from the progressive agent of change of its early years into a business activity which no longer has any significant task as a social reformer. This study confirms the observations of the latest research on modernization which states that modernization has not been a straightforward and inevitable development that has lead to the present situation. For example, the criticism directed by Puhakka toward the co-operative movement includes information that shows that a few others who were initially actively involved also criticized the development of the movement. Despite his occasional frustration, Onni Puhakka continued his criticism and attempts to get the co-operative movement to change its course and return to its ‘roots’. In the early years of the cooperative movement he probably did not differ much from the other pioneers in the sense that many of them had adopted and internalized the same values and motive for being involved that he had. However, Puhakka differed from his colleagues in the sense that he was able to believe in what he called the “fundamental values” of the co-operative movement longer than many of them.

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The Kerala model of development mostly bypassed the fishing community, as the fishers form the main miserable groups with respect to many of the socio-economic and quality of life indicators. Modernization drive in the fishing sector paradoxically turns to marginalization drives as far as the traditional fishers in Kerala are concerned. Subsequent management and resource recuperation drives too seemed to be detrimental to the local fishing community. Though SHGs and cooperatives had helped in overcoming many of the maladies in most of the sectors in Kerala in terms of livelihood and employment in the 1980s, the fishing sector by that time had been moving ahead with mechanization and export euphoria and hence it bypassed the fishing sector. Though it has not helped the fishing sector in the initial stages, but because of necessity, it soon has become a vibrant livelihood and employment force in the coastal economy of Kerala. Initial success made it to link this with the governmental cooperative set up and soon SHGs and Cooperatives become reinforcing forces for the inclusive development of the real fishers.The fisheries sector in Kerala has undergone drastic changes with the advent of globalised economy. The traditional fisher folk are one of the most marginalized communities in the state and are left out of the overall development process mainly due to the marginalization of this community both in the sea and in the market due to modernization and mechanization of the sector. Mechanization opened up the sector a great deal as it began to attract people belonging to non-fishing community as moneylenders, boat owners, employers and middle men which often resulted in conflicts between traditional and mechanized fishermen. These factors, together with resource depletion resulted in the backwardness experienced by the traditional fishermen compared to other communities who were reaping the benefits of the overall development scenario.The studies detailing the activities and achievements of fisher folks via Self Help Groups (SHGs) and the cooperative movement in coastal Kerala are scant. The SHGs through cooperatives have been effective in livelihood security, poverty alleviation and inclusive development of the fisher folk (Rajasenan and Rajeev, 2012). The SHGs have a greater role to play as estimated fall in demand for marine products in international markets, which may result in reduction of employment opportunities in fish processing, peeling, etc. Also, technological advancement has made them unskilled to work in this sector making them outliers in the overall development process resulting in poor quality of physical and social infrastructure. Hence, it is all the more important to derive a strategy and best practice methods for the effective functioning of these SHGs so that the

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This work presents the localization and path planning systems for two robots: a non-instrumented humanoid and a slave wheeled robot. The localization of wheeled robot is made using odometry information and landmark detection. These informations are fused using a Extended Kalman Filter. The relative position of humanoid is acquired fusing (using another Kalman Filter) the wheeled robot pose with the characteristics of the landmark on the back of humanoid. Knowing the wheeled robot position and the humanoid relative position in relation to it, we acquired the absolute position of humanoid. The path planning system was developed to provide the cooperative movement of the two robots,incorporating the visibility restrictions of the robotic system

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Este ar tigo evidencia as contradições do Modelo Cooperativista brasileiro em relação ao Modelo Original. Trata- se de incoerências intrínsecas na formação do movimento cooperativo, nos princípios para a sua condução ideológica, bem como na regimentação e operacionalização estatutária. A partir desses desacertos, o artigo mostra as restrições para o exercício da autogestão. Também sugere mudanças nas leis cooperativistas vigentes, propícias ao exercício da participação dos associados no processo decisório.

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Para la teoría neoclásica convencional el funcionamiento de los mercados de crédito soporta dos dificultades básicas: la información imperfecta o asimétrica y la selección adversa del prestatario aunada al riesgo del no pago. En el otro extremo, más heterodoxo, el colectivismo, el capital social y la formación de redes informales y sociedades de crédito suelen reducir los costes de transacción ligados al problema de la financiación. Este tipo de organización facilita el desenvolvimiento del cooperativismo en la economía. En México, después de la Revolución y la conformación de un régimen político autoritario y vertical, el cooperativismo se constituyó en uno de los referentes de la organización campesina para conseguir crédito de la banca pública y privada. En el noroeste del país y la península de Baja California, la existencia de cooperativas pesqueras, ganaderas, agrícolas y de transporte significó un despunte de la actividad económica y uno de los canales del desarrollo de la región. El propósito del artículo es perfilar qué tipo de cooperativismo se articuló en el Distrito Norte de la península de Baja California y qué tipo de relación guardó con el movimiento cooperativista nacional entre 1930 y 1950

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Pese a que el movimiento cooperativo eléctrico de Córdoba es uno de los más importantes del país y en la actualidad mueve gran parte de la economía del interior provincial, su surgimiento y desarrollo es una cuestión que aún no ha sido suficientemente tratada por la historiografía local. De allí la decisión de abordar tal temática que en este artículo se analiza desde la perspectiva de las relaciones entre el desarrollo del cooperativismo eléctrico y la expansión de la intervención del Estado en el sector eléctrico, pero prestando especial atención a los avances de la electrificación en el sector rural. Ese análisis abarca un amplio periodo de medio siglo, entre la aparición de las primeras cooperativas eléctricas y el momento en que, desde el punto de vista eléctrico, la provincia mediterránea deja de constituir un sistema independiente y se incorpora al sistema interconectado nacional, y muestra el papel jugado por esas entidades en el proceso de electrificación del campo que es un capítulo importante en el desarrollo eléctrico argentino y en el que las cooperativas eléctricas fueron precursoras, mucho antes de que el tema preocupase a los poderes públicos y cuando la política de las empresas privadas, atenidas a la rentabilidad, no planificó ni un metro de línea rural. Las cooperativas, en cambio, demostraron ser capaces de hacer electrificación rural con eficiencia.

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Este trabajo presenta un análisis del movimiento cooperativo en el agro pampeano y en el resto del país, tal como fuera retratado por el Censo Nacional Agropecuario del año 1937. Tiene por objetivo aportar herramientas metodológicas para el conocimiento del grado de arraigo del cooperativismo agropecuario entre los productores agrarios a partir del uso de índices de asociación, adhesión e integración. Finalmente se concluye del estudio estadístico de esos indicadores que la doctrina cooperativa jugó un papel muy relativo en la estructuración de las opciones económicas efectivas de bases sociales del movimiento.

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Para la teoría neoclásica convencional el funcionamiento de los mercados de crédito soporta dos dificultades básicas: la información imperfecta o asimétrica y la selección adversa del prestatario aunada al riesgo del no pago. En el otro extremo, más heterodoxo, el colectivismo, el capital social y la formación de redes informales y sociedades de crédito suelen reducir los costes de transacción ligados al problema de la financiación. Este tipo de organización facilita el desenvolvimiento del cooperativismo en la economía. En México, después de la Revolución y la conformación de un régimen político autoritario y vertical, el cooperativismo se constituyó en uno de los referentes de la organización campesina para conseguir crédito de la banca pública y privada. En el noroeste del país y la península de Baja California, la existencia de cooperativas pesqueras, ganaderas, agrícolas y de transporte significó un despunte de la actividad económica y uno de los canales del desarrollo de la región. El propósito del artículo es perfilar qué tipo de cooperativismo se articuló en el Distrito Norte de la península de Baja California y qué tipo de relación guardó con el movimiento cooperativista nacional entre 1930 y 1950