Catholic worker movement: un análisis desde la acción política no violenta y la lógica transnacional de los movimientos sociales

El Catholic Worker Movement se ha caracterizado por enmarcarse en las dinámicas de movilización social y acción política no violenta, que respondían, desde su creación en 1933, a un conjunto de problemáticas sociales y económicas sobre las cuales la sociedad civil se interesó y dio inicio a su actividad en escenarios de la política doméstica de Estados Unidos. Pese a ser un movimiento que surgió en un contexto nacional con fundamentación religiosa, el CWM alcanzó el desarrollo de lógicas transnacionales que contribuyeron a la defensa de su causa y a la reivindicación de valores y principios que motivarían posteriormente a la búsqueda de recursos para reforzar su lucha. Así, el proceso de evolución del movimiento tomó dirección en torno a fenómenos como la difusión, la adquisición de repertorios de acción colectiva correspondientes a la no violencia, y al aprovechamiento de factores exógenos y endógenos representados en distintas formas de oportunidad política y capacidad organizativa.

Catholic student movements in Latin America: Cuba and Brazil, 1920s to 1960s

This dissertation examines the ideological development of the Catholic University Student (JUC) movements in Cuba and Brazil during the Cold War and their organizational predecessors and intellectual influences in interwar Europe. Transnational Catholicism prioritized the attempt to influence youth and in particular, university students, within the context of Catholic nations within Atlantic civilization in the middle of the twentieth century. This dissertation argues that the Catholic university movements achieved a relatively high level of social and political influence in a number of countries in Latin America and that the experience of the Catholic student activists led them to experience ideological conflict and in some cases, rupture, with the conservative ideology of the Catholic hierarchy. Catholic student movements flourished after World War II in the context of an emerging youth culture. The proliferation of student organizations became part of the ideological battlefield of the Cold War. Catholic university students also played key roles in the Cuban Revolution (1957-1959) and in the attempted political and social reforms in Brazil under President João Goulart (1961-1964). ^ The JUC, under the guidance of the Church hierarchy, attempted to avoid aligning itself with either ideological camp in the Cold War, but rather to chart a Third Way between materialistic capitalism and atheistic socialism. Thousands of students in over 70 nations were intensively trained to think critically about pressing social issues. This paper will to place the Catholic Student movement in Cuba in the larger context of transnational Catholic university movements using archival evidence, newspaper accounts and secondary sources. Despite the hierarchy's attempt to utilize students as a tool of influence, the actual lived experience of students equipped them to think critically about social issues, and helped lay a foundation for the progressive student politics of the late 1960s and the rise of liberation theology in the 1970s. ^

Em busca da revolução brasileira: o democrático-popular como expressão político-programática da formação da classe trabalhadora no Brasil

Essa dissertação tem por objeto de estudo a intitulada Estratégia Democrático-Popular, compreendida como o principal debate tático-estratégico construído pela classe trabalhadora no Brasil após o fim da contrarrevolução burguesa e que segue hegemônica entre parte significativa de seus instrumentos coletivos até os dias de hoje. A conjuntura de sua emersão é a do esgotamento da ditadura implantada em 1964 e o sujeito histórico do qual deriva é o que Chasin (2000) nomeou ter sido o nosso movimento democrático de massas, formado pela ascendência do movimento operário sindical e popular em 1980. O objetivo deste trabalho - diante do pouco referencial bibliográfico que trate especificamente do tema e da sua atualidade em tempos neoliberais - é o de proceder uma pesquisa teórica sobre tal estratégia. Para tanto, tomamos por principal fonte bibliográfica as obras do sociólogo Florestan Fernandes, a quem consideramos o seu principal formulador - das publicações que decorrem da primeira metade da década de 1970 aos anos 1990 - e que tratam da construção de uma revolução dentro e fora da ordem, com centralidade democrática. Nesse sentido, dividimos este trabalho em dois momentos: o estudo dos fundamentos da formação social do Brasil a constituição de suas classes sociais e o padrão de transformação capitalista aqui prevalecente; e, como resultado do primeiro, a análise do programa de revolução nacional pelos 'de baixo', da sua gênese programática em 1970 à consolidação governamental pela democracia de cooptação nos anos 2000.

Pilares negros: educação, fé e política na Diocese de Duque de Caxias (1988-2000)

A presente pesquisa tem como enfoque a ação educativa do movimento negro no Brasil constituído na base católica. Os marcos temporais e espaciais se localizam entre 1988 e 2000 na Diocese de Duque de Caxias e sua paróquia em São João de Meriti, ambas situadas na Baixada Fluminense, região metropolitana do Rio de Janeiro. A escolha do ano de 1988 se deve ao papel protagonista que os atores coletivos tiveram na Campanha da Fraternidade da CNBB (Confederação Nacional dos Bispos do Brasil) no ano de 1988, centenário da abolição da escravatura no Brasil. A principal fonte pesquisada o periódico diocesano Pilar, publicado em Duque de Caxias desde 1990 apontou que, ao longo da década em estudo, o movimento negro de base católica operou práticas formativas que buscavam alcançar a consciência da negritude no mundo leigo e eclesial. Os movimentos sociais unem a intencionalidade político-formativa ao projeto de transformação de realidades e, neste sentido, a construção do conhecimento atua para a emancipação dos atores. A luta anti-racista, que ainda afeta patrimônios sociais e culturais, empreendeu uma ação contra-hegemônica interior e exterior à Igreja Católica, aqui analisada à luz do jornal Pilar.

D. Romualdo Antônio de Seixas e o poder: entre a fé e a política

Esta tese analisa o trabalho pastoral e a participação política parlamentar do arcebispo da Bahia, D. Romualdo Antônio de Seixas (1787-1860). Liderança entre os bispos do Movimento da Reforma Católica no Brasil, o arcebispo destacou-se, na Igreja e no âmbito legislativo, por posições políticas inovadoras ao colocar-se contra o tráfico negreiro e o sistema escravista. Seus conhecimentos sobre a Amazônia também o distinguiram por defender políticas públicas distintas para os índios e a região. Notabilizou-se, no Brasil, por sua importância eclesiástica e política, o que o levou a ocupar cargos importantes tanto aqui como internacionalmente, sendo agraciado com várias distinções pela sua relevância cultural. A hipótese central da tese está em verificar, na obra restauradora no Brasil enquanto adequação do catolicismo brasileiro aos ditames de Roma e em oposição ao avanço das ideias liberais, traços de uma vanguarda católica europeia definida no catolicismo social. O trabalho organiza-se na linha de pesquisa Política e Cultura por considerar as forças religiosas como parte do tecido político, investigando as relações íntimas entre religião e política no Império brasileiro. Nossa contribuição reside, portanto, em situar a força do poder religioso por meio da História Política. Entendemos como importantes o trabalho e a personalidade de D. Romualdo Seixas por evidenciarem uma perspectiva católica de reformismo social.

Estrategias de control ciudadano: una aproximación a la intervención megaminera en Cajamarca Tolima. (2007-2013)

El presente estudio de caso busca describir y analizar a la luz de los conceptos de resistencia civil y acción colectiva cómo las movilizaciones sociales en el Tolima han logrado generar cambios en el modo de operar de la transnacional minera Anglogold Ashanti en la mina la Colosa entre el año 2007 y el año 2013. Con este fin, se realizaron una serie de entrevistas y visitas de campo que permitieron un acercamiento al movimiento de los Comités Ambientales y Campesinos del Tolima. Este acercamiento dio como resultado una reconstrucción del panorama de la problemática que enfrentan las comunidades locales cuando las empresas megamineras llegan a sus territorios transformando, en diferentes aspectos, la dinámica del lugar. Dicho panorama se constituye en un insumo que puede ser utilizado por las comunidades para empoderarse frente al derecho de decidir sobre el uso que le quieren dar a su territorio.

A autocompreensão da Igreja e a Renovação Carismática Católica (1966-2000)

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

O cardeal leme e a construção da ordem política católica (1930-1942)

Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

Catholic social economy : past evolution and present challenges

Introducción: This article provides a historical interpretation of Catholic social economy (also called Social Catholicism) in an attempt to give a Christian form to capitalism. The aim of this writing is to reflect on the evolution of Catholic economic thought and to offer some foreseeable development in light of the experience that characterized the early stages of this movement. By Catholic social economy, the author does not mean the social doctrine of the church, but the whole set of scientific work of Catholic scholars, with their different orientations and acceptance by the official documents of the holy soil. Roman Catholicism is the only religion that has produced wide and continuous scientific research about political economy. This should not be considered an anomaly, because the positivistic attitude of modern economics tends to crowd out the classic unitary view of man and of a good life that characterizes Catholic anthropology. As a consequence, it can be considered an attempt to address scientific research in a way compatible to the Catholic view of the “social nature of man”, and not an attempt to resist or to contrast the role of science. The fundamental concepts of this stream of research have been the idea of natural law intended as a moral order (vs. the equilibrium of conflicting strategies), the social nature of man (vs. individualism and individual autonomy) and the role that charity and justice assume for individual behaviour inspired by the common good (vs. freedom and laissez faire)...

Challengers to provisional republicanism: the official republican movement, people’s democracy and the Irish republican socialist party, 1968–98

The Provisional IRA and its political wing Sinn Féin have attracted by far the greatest scholarly interest of all the players in the Northern Irish conflict. This emphasis is perfectly legitimate, given the centrality of the Provos to so many turning-points in the conflict, from the collapse of Stormont in the early 1970s to the hunger strikes of the following decade and the ceasefires which were followed by the Belfast Agreement. My project, however, looks at political groups that at one time or another challenged the Provos for leadership of the militant, anti-state constituency in Northern Ireland (chiefly based in the Catholic working class). Although never as large or influential as the Provisional republicans, groups such as the Official IRA and the Irish Republican Socialist Party sometimes had a discernible impact on the course of events which is overlooked by most studies, and often pioneered ideas and tactics that were later adopted by the Provos themselves. The idea that republicans should embrace political action and work in broad campaigning alliances was promoted by the IRSP and socialist groups such as People’s Democracy before it was taken up by Gerry Adams and his allies, while the Official IRA supported the principle of a settlement based on democratization of the Northern Irish state, which was later accepted by Sinn Féin in the form of the Belfast Agreement. The goal of my research is to provide a novel perspective on the conflict in Northern Ireland, while engaging with theoretical debates about its character.

The autobiographical you: letters in the gendered politics of the labour movement.

In this article, I consider the importance of epistolary narratives in the interface of autobiography and politics. In doing this, I read the letters of Fannia Mary Cohn, a Jewish immigrant worker, trade union activist and ardent labour organizer in the garment industry in the USA in the first half of the twentieth century. Cohn was a prolific writer and political activist and left a rich body of labour literature, but never wrote an autobiography or a diary or journal. It is in her letters to her comrades and friends in the labour movement that short autobiographical stories erupt and it is on such stories across her correspondence that this article focuses. The analysis is informed by Hannah Arendt’s theorization of narratives in their interrelation with politics and history. Drawing on a rich body of feminist literature around the relational self, what I argue is that an Arendtian reading of epistolary narratives is a useful analytical tool in understanding gendered politics in the diverse histories of the labour movement.

St. Catharines and District Labour Council fonds, 1957-1986

The St. Catharines and District Labour Council was founded in May 1957 by unionized workers from St. Catharines, Thorold, Merritton, Port Dalhousie and Grimsby. They sought to improve the social and economic welfare of workers; promote the organization of workers into unions for their mutual benefit, regardless of race, creed, colour, or national origin; encourage the sale of union-made goods and services; promote worker education; provide workers with a voice in politics; and safeguard the democratic nature of the labour movement. The Council, affiliated with both the Canadian Labour Congress and the Ontario Federation of Labour, was instrumental in assisting local workers with their labour disputes, including Canadian Pulp and Paper workers at Abitibi Provincial Paper in Thorold [1975-76], and Gallaher Paper [1999], workers at the St. Catharines Eaton’s store [1985], as well as smaller disputes such as that between the part-time secretarial staff and the Welland County Roman Catholic Separate School Board [1972] and workers of the Skyway Lumber Company [1972]. The Council also assisted the community at large by offering a Community Counseling Service [1971-1976] to help citizens with issues concerning various government agencies, social services and Acts, such as the Vacation Pay Act, Landlord and Tenant Act, Employment Standards Act, unemployment insurance claims and workman’s compensation claims. Other projects that the Council organized included an annual Education Institute [1958-1965] and the annual publication of Labour Review, a summary of the Council’s past year. The Labour Council continued to operate until 2010, when several local Labour Councils merged to form the Niagara Regional Labour Council.

Argentina’s Worker-Recovered Factories : strategies and survival

Les usines récupérées par les ouvriers en Argentine sont devenues un mouvement social emblématique symbolisant l'un des aspects de la révolte sociale entourant la crise économique de 2001-2002. Les usines récupérées sont des entreprises abandonnées par leurs propriétaires originaux ou déclarées faillite, laissant derrières elles des salaires et des dettes impayés. Par conséquence, les ouvriers ont commencé à récupérer leurs usines; reprenant la production sans leurs anciens patrons, sous, et au profit de la gestion collective des ouvriers. Le mouvement est remarquable pour sa rémunération égalitaire et sa gestion horizontale. Ce travail examine la continuité des usines récupérées et ceci à travers l'évolution sociale, politique et économique du paysage de l'Argentine. Il évalue également l'impact du mouvement en tant que défi aux modes économiques de production hégémoniques et orientés vers le marché. En supposant que l'avenir du mouvement dépend de deux ensembles de facteurs, le rapport analyse les facteurs internes à travers le prisme de la théorie de mobilisation des ressources, ainsi que les facteurs externes à travers la perspective de la théorie de la structure de l'opportunité politique. Le travail conclut que la situation actuelle se trouve dans une impasse dans laquelle le mouvement a gagné l'acceptation institutionnelle, mais a échoué d'effectuer le changement structurel favorisant ses pratiques et garantissant la sécurité à long terme. Il argumente que le mouvement doit consolider certains aspects combatifs. Il doit consolider sa nouvelle identité en tant que mouvement social et forger des alliances stratégiques et tactiques tout en préservant son autonomie.

A mística do MST: mediação da práxis formadora de sujeitos históricos

Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FCLAR