Reinventing America on the battlefields of Spain or following the party line: conflicting perceptions of the Spanish Civil War in the present and in the past

Isolationism and neutrality are two of the recurrent themes in the study of the history of the U.S. foreign policy in the interwar years. The trauma of the Great War, which had swept away 130.000 U.S. lives and had cost $30 billion, had led public opinion to strongly oppose any involvement with European affairs. Besides, the urgent need for economic recovery during the dismal years of the Great Depression did not leave Roosevelt much room for manoeuvre to influence international events. His positions regarding the intentions of the Fascist states remained, at best, ambivalent. These facts notwithstanding, about 2800 U.S. citizens crossed the Atlantic and rushed in to help democratic Spain, which was on the verge of becoming one more hostage in the hands of the Fascism. They joined the other British, Irish and Canadian volunteers and formed the XV International Brigade. 900 Americans never returned home. This alone should challenge the commonly held assumption that the American people were indifferent to the rise of the Fascist threat in Europe. But it also begs other questions. Considering the prevailing isolationist mood, what really motivated them? With what discursive elements did these men construct their anti Fascist representations? How far did their understanding of the Spanish democracy correspond to their own American democratic ideal? In what way did their war experience across the Atlantic mould their perception of U.S. politics (both domestic and foreign)? How far did the Spanish Civil War constitute one first step towards the realization that the U.S. might actually be drawn into another international conflict of unpredictable consequences? Last but not the least, what ideological, political and cultural complicity existed between the men from the English-speaking battalions? In order to unearth some of the answers, I intend to examine their letters and see how these men recorded the historical events in which they took part. Their correspondence emerged from the desire to prove their commitment to a common cause and spoke of a common war experience, but each letter, in its uniqueness, ends up mirroring not only the social and political background of each individual fighter, but also his own particular perspective of the war, of world politics and of the Spanish people. We shall see how these letters differ and converge and how these particular accounts weave, as in an epistolary novel, a larger-than-life narrative of outrage and solidarity, despair and hope.

Between the lines: Konrad Wolf's 'Mama, ich lebe' and the dilemmas of betrayal

The article offers a close reading of Konrad Wolf’s anti-fascist Second World War film 'Mama, ich lebe' (DEFA, 1977). 'Mama, ich lebe', like all East German films about the Nazi past, deals with the re-founding of post-war Germany. Unlike the usual approach which focused on political redemption of the past crimes, Wolf’s approach explores rupture and failure of political agency as the pre-condition for a new beginning. The rupture is effected by the defection of four Wehrmacht soldiers who decide to cooperate with the Soviet enemy. Their betrayal of the national collective is ethically motivated and arises from their responsibility for the Soviet ‘other’. Its radicalness opens up a moment of utopian freedom and conciliation for the traitors. Yet the back side of betrayal is insecurity and confliction with regard to their role and roots. While the four meet their role as traitors with self-deception about their ambivalent position, they are eventually forced to acknowledge their position as one of self-defeat. Their ‘ethical betrayal’ (Parikh 2009) does therefore not lead to utopian fulfilment but to the traitors’ expiatory sacrifice as the only form of accountability and self-justification. In Wolf’s film antifascism as a tale of political redemption is thus revised and becomes a tale of necessary individual atonement.

Voices of Occupiers/Liberators: The BBC's Radio Propaganda in Italy between 1942 and 1945

The ambiguity of the role played by British propaganda in Italy during the Second World War is clearly reflected in the phenomenon of Radio London. While Radio London raised the morale of the Italian civilians living under the Fascist regime and provided them with alternative information on the conflict, the microphones of the BBC were also used by the British government to address a country they were planning to occupy. In this article, I will analyse the occupation/liberation operations that were run at the BBC Italian Service from two separate angles. On the one hand, the analysis of the programmes broadcast between the months preceding the Allies’ landing in Sicily and the actual occupation shows how the Allies built their image as liberators and guarantors of better living conditions. On the other, the analysis of the relationships between the Foreign Office and the anti-Fascist exiles reveals that the Italian BBC broadcasters were not always allowed to freely express their political opinion or to dispose of their own lives.

Antifascismo y redes sociales en provincia : el Ateneo de Cultura Popular de Tandil, 1935-1936

El artículo estudia el surgimiento y la clausura del Ateneo de Cultura Popular de Tandil en el clima mundial de la lucha antifascista. Su propósito principal es identificar los mecanismos de circulación de ideas entre un centro cultural y su periferia y, a la vez, observar el contexto de recepción de ellas. Partiendo de los supuestos teóricos del social network analysis, se propone analizar el tejido de relaciones personales activado en la dinámica del centro cultural para explicar el motivo de su clausura. Así, presenta las dimensiones estructurales e interaccionales de la red social en la que los actores se hallan insertos. Finalmente, el artículo puede ser considerado un ejercicio intelectual para entender espacios sociales de práctica cultural en los que no domina la actividad profesionalizada.

Debates hacia adentro : Las ideas económicas del frente antifascista liberal en Argentina (1939-1943)

El artículo analiza las ideas económicas de un arco de instituciones y publicaciones políticas y culturales que convergieron en la consolidación del movimiento antifascista liberal en Argentina en 1939-1943, definido por el apoyo a los Aliados en la guerra mundial y la oposición a grupos nacionalistas y antiliberales y a la administración de Ramón S. Castillo (1940-1943). En diálogo con la nueva historiografía que ha revisado el período de entreguerras en Argentina, el artículo sostiene que la defensa de las libertades políticas y culturales, centro del discurso unificador del frente antifascista, coexistía con distintas posiciones sobre el liberalismo económico y el proceso de intervención del estado en la economía desarrollado por los grupos conservadores gobernantes desde 1930. El texto pone de relieve así la existencia de coincidencias inter-partidarias y diferencias intra-partidarias sobre dichos procesos que frecuentemente eran oscurecidos por el conflicto político de esos año

Debates hacia adentro : Las ideas económicas del frente antifascista liberal en Argentina (1939-1943)

El artículo analiza las ideas económicas de un arco de instituciones y publicaciones políticas y culturales que convergieron en la consolidación del movimiento antifascista liberal en Argentina en 1939-1943, definido por el apoyo a los Aliados en la guerra mundial y la oposición a grupos nacionalistas y antiliberales y a la administración de Ramón S. Castillo (1940-1943). En diálogo con la nueva historiografía que ha revisado el período de entreguerras en Argentina, el artículo sostiene que la defensa de las libertades políticas y culturales, centro del discurso unificador del frente antifascista, coexistía con distintas posiciones sobre el liberalismo económico y el proceso de intervención del estado en la economía desarrollado por los grupos conservadores gobernantes desde 1930. El texto pone de relieve así la existencia de coincidencias inter-partidarias y diferencias intra-partidarias sobre dichos procesos que frecuentemente eran oscurecidos por el conflicto político de esos año

Debates hacia adentro : Las ideas económicas del frente antifascista liberal en Argentina (1939-1943)

El artículo analiza las ideas económicas de un arco de instituciones y publicaciones políticas y culturales que convergieron en la consolidación del movimiento antifascista liberal en Argentina en 1939-1943, definido por el apoyo a los Aliados en la guerra mundial y la oposición a grupos nacionalistas y antiliberales y a la administración de Ramón S. Castillo (1940-1943). En diálogo con la nueva historiografía que ha revisado el período de entreguerras en Argentina, el artículo sostiene que la defensa de las libertades políticas y culturales, centro del discurso unificador del frente antifascista, coexistía con distintas posiciones sobre el liberalismo económico y el proceso de intervención del estado en la economía desarrollado por los grupos conservadores gobernantes desde 1930. El texto pone de relieve así la existencia de coincidencias inter-partidarias y diferencias intra-partidarias sobre dichos procesos que frecuentemente eran oscurecidos por el conflicto político de esos año

For a government of peace and freedom in Italy! Appeal at the underground conference in Milan, December 1942.

English and Italian.

"Paseo por una guerra antigua" (Juan Antonio Bardem, 1948-49): una contramemoria de la Guerra Civil

Este artículo pretende demostrar en qué medida Paseo por una guerra antigua (1948-1949), la práctica de segundo curso del Instituto de Investigaciones y Experiencias Cinematográficas (IIEC) en la que Juan Antonio Bardem rueda a un joven mutilado caminando por las ruinas de la Ciudad Universitaria de Madrid, constituye un intento pionero de desmontar los relatos oficiales de la Guerra Civil Española y rescatar la memoria de los vencidos. Filmar las ruinas del campus madrileño en aquellos años era un acto sub­versivo, puesto que el Régimen había emprendido su reconstrucción para borrar las huellas del Madrid republicano y de la Guerra Civil, resignificando por completo el recinto universitario. Por tanto, en Paseo por una guerra antigua, Bardem intenta reapropiarse de un espacio que en la época iba imponiéndose como uno de los “lugares de memoria” del franquismo. Esta película se vale de la función documental del cine para inmortalizar unas ruinas que simbolizan la República y la guerra, para preservarlas de la muerte simbólica que representa su reconstrucción. Mostrar esas ruinas en 1948-1949 equivale a “materializar” el pasado, a traerlo al presente de la posguerra, en un proceso que recuerda a los planteamientos sobre la Historia de Walter Benjamin, para proponer una visión alternativa de la contienda. Se trata de una visión teñida de una memoria íntima, ya que la película es un paseo no solo por las ruinas sino también por los recuerdos de este joven mutilado. En suma, Bardem propone una contramemoria de la Guerra Civil.

From apotheosis to damnation: Mussolini and the Fascist regime, 1936-45

This is an essay for a catalogue of the exhibition 'Against Mussolini: art and the fall of a dictator' held at the Estorick Collection, London, September - December 2010. The essay examines shifting attitudes towards Mussolini in the years immediately preceding his fall, and suggests that the development of 'anti-fascism' was less pronounced than often suggested.

Saberes expertos en la encrucijada: Razas, anti/racismo y ciencias en la UNESCO 1949-1950

El presente artículo se propone estudiar, retomando diversos aspectos del Análisis Materialista del Discurso, una serie de discusiones de la inmediata posguerra que colocaron la cuestión racial y al racismo en el centro de la agenda de las ciencias (naturales y sociales) así como de los organismos internacionales. Antes que reponer y reproducir una imagen de coherencia u homogeneidad en estos debates, propondremos una lectura a contrapelo capaz de mostrar la articulación contingente de elementos de diversa procedencia, las contradicciones, las tensiones y, sobre todo, las luchas involucradas en ellos.En un primer apartado presentaremos algunos aspectos generales de las discusiones en torno de la cuestión racial en la Segunda Posguerra y el papel que en ello tendrían UNESCO y las ciencias sociales. Luego, nos referiremos sintéticamente a los debates fascistas en torno de la cuestión racial para, en el siguiente apartado, desarrollar la primera de nuestras tesis: la existencia de una relación de diálogo/antagonismo entre la declaración de 1949 de UNESCO y los debates fascistas en torno de las leyes raciales entre 1935 y 1938. A partir de ello, en la sección siguiente, desplegaremos nuestra segunda hipótesis, derivada de la primera: las discusiones de UNESCO además de dirigirse a un público general resultan de una disputa al interior de diversos campos científicos. En este tramo, analizaremos los vínculos entre ciencia y política que recorren los diversos documentos que conforman nuestro estudio. Finalmente, propondremos algunas reflexiones a modo de cierre.

Anti-metabolic effects of Galanthus nivalis agglutinin and wheat germ agglutinin on nymphal stages of the common brown leafhopper using a novel artificial diet system

The common brown leafhopper, Orosius orientalis (Matsumura) (Homoptera: Cicadellidae), previously described as Orosius argentatus (Evans), is an important vector of several viruses and phytoplasmas worldwide. In Australia, phytoplasmas vectored by O. orientalis cause a range of economically important diseases, including legume little leaf (Hutton & Grylls, 1956), tomato big bud (Osmelak, 1986), lucerne witches broom (Helson, 1951), potato purple top wilt (Harding & Teakle, 1985), and Australian lucerne yellows (Pilkington et al., 2004). Orosius orientalis also transmits Tobacco yellow dwarf virus (TYDV; genus Mastrevirus, family Geminiviridae) to beans, causing bean summer death disease (Ballantyne, 1968), and to tobacco, causing tobacco yellow dwarf disease (Hill, 1937, 1941). TYDV has only been recorded in Australia to date. Both diseases result in significant production and quality losses (Ballantyne, 1968; Thomas, 1979; Moran & Rodoni, 1999). Although direct damage caused by leafhopper feeding has been observed, it is relatively minor compared to the losses resulting from disease (P Tr E bicki, unpubl.).

Response efficacy : the key to minimizing rejection and maximizing acceptance of emotion-based anti-speeding messages

This study sought to improve understanding of the persuasive process of emotion-based appeals not only in relation to negative, fear-based appeals but also for appeals based upon positive emotions. In particular, the study investigated whether response efficacy, as a cognitive construct, mediated outcome measures of message effectiveness in terms of both acceptance and rejection of negative and positive emotion-based messages. Licensed drivers (N = 406) participated via the completion of an on-line survey. Within the survey, participants received either a negative (fear-based) appeal or one of the two possible positive appeals (pride or humor-based). Overall, the study's findings confirmed the importance of emotional and cognitive components of persuasive health messages and identified response efficacy as a key cognitive construct influencing the effectiveness of not only fear-based messages but also positive emotion-based messages. Interestingly, however, the results suggested that response efficacy's influence on message effectiveness may differ for positive and negative emotion-based appeals such that significant indirect (and mediational) effects were found with both acceptance and rejection of the positive appeals yet only with rejection of the fear-based appeal. As such, the study's findings provide an important extension to extant literature and may inform future advertising message design.

Enhancing road safety for young drivers : how Graduate Driver Licensing initiatives can complement "anti-hooning" legislation

Street racing and associated (hooning) behaviours have attracted increasing concern in recent years. While New Zealand and all Australian jurisdictions have introduced “antihooning” legislation and allocated significant police resources to managing the problem, there is limited evidence of the road safety implications of hooning. However, international and Australian data suggests that drivers charged with a hooning offence tend to be young males who are accompanied by one or more peers, and hooning-related crashes tend to occur at night. In this regard, there is considerable evidence that drivers under the age of 25 are over-represented in crash statistics, and are particularly vulnerable soon after obtaining a Provisional licence, when driving at night, and when carrying peer-aged passengers. The similarity between the nature of hooning offenders, offences and crashes, and road safety risks for young drivers in general, suggests that hooning is an issue that may be viewed as part of the broader young driver problem. Many jurisdictions have recently implemented a range of evidence-based strategies to address young driver road safety, and this paper will present Queensland crash and offence data to highlight the potential benefit of Graduated Driver Licensing initiatives, such as night driving restrictions and peer-aged passenger restrictions, to related road safety issues, including hooning. An understanding of potential flow-on effects is important for evaluations of anti-hooning legislation and Graduated Driver Licensing programs, and may have implications for future law enforcement resource allocation and policy development.