24 resultados para mortgagees’ powers

em Scielo Saúde Pública - SP


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In the last five years, climate change has been established as a central civilizational driver of our time. As a result of this development, the most diversified social processes - as well as the fields of science which study them - have had their dynamics altered. In International Relations, this double challenge could be explained as follows: 1) in empirical terms, climate change imposes a deepening of cooperation levels on the international community, considering the global common character of the atmosphere; and 2) to International Relations as a discipline, climate change demands from the scientific community a conceptual review of the categories designed to approach the development of global climate governance. The goal of this article is to discuss in both conceptual and empirical terms the structure of global climate change governance, through an exploratory research, aiming at identifying the key elements that allow understanding its dynamics. To do so, we rely on the concept of climate powers. This discussion is grounded in the following framework: we now live in an international system under conservative hegemony that is unable to properly respond to the problems of interdependence, among which - and mainly -, the climate issue.

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Concert of Powers has emerged as an attractive modality in global governance. As an emerging power, China must seriously take this template into account. This article seeks to analyze the incentives, possibilities, and uncertainties for China to participate in Concert with reference to China's history memory on Concert, China's intellectual endeavors, as well as China's evolving foreign preferences. It concludes that China is generally qualified and capable of being a key participant in Concert of Powers with increasing willingness. Yet, China's involvement depends on 1) if Concert template can overcome its own deficiencies; 2) if Concert have competitive advantages compared with other governance alternatives for China; and 3) if China can keep its momentum on both willingness and capacity in power transition.

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Abstract This article discusses the role of China, Russia, India and Brazil in the climate regime. It describes the trajectory of their emissions, of their domestic policies and of their international commitments, and argues that, despite their responsibility in causing the problem, they have been conservative forces in the climate regime.

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Este artigo tem como objetivos descrever os processos de desenvolvimento conceitual e metodológico utilizados na criação do instrumento Ferrans and Powers Quality of Life Index (QLI) e disponibilizar a versão genérica atual adaptada para o português, visando ampliar a disseminação do seu uso em diferentes contextos e amostras da população brasileira. O QLI avalia a qualidade de vida de acordo com os níveis de satisfação e de importância atribuídos a quatro dimensões: Saúde/funcionamento, Psicológico/espiritual, Socioeconômico e Família. Aplicações prévias da versão em português (Índice de Qualidade de Vida de Ferrans e Powers) têm demonstrado que o instrumento pode ser utilizado em nosso meio como uma medida válida e confiável de qualidade de vida.

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O artigo visa a apresentar o processo de construção e validação do Índice de Qualidade de Vida de Ferrans & Powers - Versão Feridas (IQVFP-VF) para emprego em pessoas com feridas agudas e crônicas de diferentes etiologias. O estudo metodológico desenvolveu-se por meio de procedimentos teóricos, empíricos e analíticos. Os resultados indicaram que o instrumento possui consistência interna e estabilidade satisfatórias; confirmaram a validade de conteúdo, concorrente (com o item sua satisfação) e convergente (com o WHOQOL-breve), bem como sua capacidade de discriminar os indivíduos conforme o número e duração das feridas, intensidade de dor e idade. A análise fatorial confirmatória mostrou que o instrumento manteve-se razoavelmente ajustado ao modelo original. Em conclusão, pode-se considerar que o IQVFP-VF é válido e tem confiabilidade atestada nos aspectos mais importantes da Qualidade de Vida para a população com feridas - geral, saúde e aspectos psicológicos e espirituais.

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This article examines recent arguments from development economists, from historians and from international relations specialists that do challenge the continued relevance of the idea of the Third World. It then examines five reasons why these arguments are wrong. We can indeed understand much about emerging powers in terms of how they are seeking to navigate and best position themselves within an existing state-centric, liberal and capitalist order whilst accepting many of the underlying assumptions and values of that order. But the nature of that navigation has been shaped by their historical trajectory and by the developmental, societal and geopolitical context of their emergence.

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There have been two key initiatives taken in the last two decades in Brazil to create a counter-hegemonic project for the country. One initiative resulted from Brazil's business community and high-level State bureaucracy and aimed at forming a regional economic and political bloc that would guarantee and enlarge a relative independence from the hegemonic powers. The other resulted from the emergence of the new unionist movement in São Paulo and from the formation of Partido dos Trabalhadores and aimed at promoting radical democratization and reducing social exclusion. Both initiatives have created policies and changes that have converged to enhance Brazil's counter-hegemonic position as a regional and emerging power.

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The present article is an analysis of Brazilian nuclear diplomacy and of the international relevance of the national nuclear program adopted during the two Presidential terms of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Particular attention will be given to the Brazilian position in the agreement on nuclear non-proliferation, to the role of mediation between Iran and the nuclear powers, and finally to the national ambitions concerning the industrial and military uses of the nuclear technologies.

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Due to its recent economic success, Brazil is considered an emerging country, but is it an emerging power concerning global environmental governance? This article argues that although Brazil has a sui generis profile, it can only be considered an emerging power in some environmental regimes, such as global climate change. Thus, international relations theory needs more analytical instruments to assess the impact of emerging powers in global environmental governance

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This study aims to provide insights about how Brazil and India view and relate to the concept of the West, and how this affects their identity and foreign policy. Both countries' notions about the West are the subject of lively domestic discussion both in academia and the media, reflecting the struggle these countries find themselves in to define their identity as they rise. I argue that the concept of the West serves, in both Brazil and India, as a crucial concept to articulate their own identity-by a complex combination of criticizing, distancing itself from, or attempting to emulate the West.

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The G-77 has historically organized the participation of developing countries in multilateral environmental negotiations. This article analyses the impact of a new coalition of emerging powers - Brazil, China, India, and South Africa as BASIC - on the G-77's role in climate governance. While there are important benefits for both sides in their relationship, I argue that the G-77 is also disadvantaged in several concrete ways by the BASIC countries.

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Liberal-Institutionalism and Structural Realism expectations about international organizations are confronted by looking at if and how US-controlled international aid is granted, and particularly if it is related or not to political affinity and to United Nations Security Council (UNSC) non-permanent membership. A preliminary assessment suggests that these relations only hold for the period of the Cold War, and, even then, only when UNSC non-permanent membership is in years in which the Security Council was deemed very important.

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Utilizing China's leadership projects in the Great Mekong Sub-Region (GMS) as a case study, this paper aims to investigate whether China qualifies as an international leader. This work argues that its geographic position and economic rise allow China to be a "system maker and privilege taker," which is a dual role forming in economic-political relations in the GMS in the last ten years. China is among major driving forces to set up an economic zone in GMS. Growing Chinese regional power is intimately related to the creation of various hubs connecting regional transportation, communication and energy systems that foster the economic development of this region. However, China also proves dark sides of rising powers which take advantage of their privileges to gain benefits. As a "system maker" with its own position and capability, China has notably benefited from building hydropower systems. More importantly, while China is pursuing its benefits and privileges, its hydropower projects have caused some negative effects for the ecosystem in the region. The inflation of dam constructions in both China and GMS countries is raising concerns about using natural resources of the Mekong River. Our concluding part addresses the pressing need to start a serious discussion on the balance between national interests and regional solidarity within the formulation of Chinese foreign policy in GMS.

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Este estudo teve como propósito investigar a qualidade de vida de 264 estudantes de Graduação em Enfermagem. Os dados foram coletados por meio de um questionário e um instrumento de medida de qualidade de vida, o IQV de Ferrans e Powers. As médias obtidas dos escores do IQV para os estudantes foram altas e próximas das médias da população geral de Rockford - USA. As médias do IQV nos diferentes anos do curso mostraram queda no decorrer do 2º ano, quando os estudantes são inseridos no campo prático, fornecendo subsídios para possíveis intervenções dos educadores nessa problemática.