Da "constituinte soberana" a "conciliação política sobre as bases das reformas": O Partido Liberal em Pernambuco e o gabinete Paraná de 1853

Após a Rebelião Praieira, os liberais de Pernambuco tiveram de enfrentar o desafio de reorganizarem o seu partido. A tarefa de estabelecer as estratégias de ação da oposição os levou a um intenso e caloroso debate na imprensa, onde duas bandeiras de luta dominaram as discussões políticas: a luta pela convocação de uma constituinte e a abstenção eleitoral. A mudança de rumo da oposição nessa direção só aconteceria com a reforma eleitoral de 1855, realizada pelo gabinete da conciliação (1853-1856). A análise da resistência e da adesão dos praieiros à política desse gabinete consta como principal objetivo do presente trabalho.

Aspectos ético-jurídicos da responsabilidade civil do médico em prática liberal

É feita atualização de conceitos ético-jurídicos referentes à responsabilidade civil do trabalho médico efetuado em prática liberal. São analisados tópicos que norteiam a formação do vínculo contratual entre o médico e seu cliente assim como os princípios da noção de culpa, elemento básico da responsabilidade civil tanto para os atos técnicos quanto no domínio do humanismo médico. São destacadas soluções apresentadas para a questão, em sistemas jurídicos europeus.

O igualitarismo liberal de Dworkin

O presente artigo apresenta os principais componentes da filosofia política de Dworkin, aqui chamada de "igualitarismo liberal." Para atingir esse objetivo, reconstrói a sua teoria do Direito e sua compreensão do direito fundamental de todos cidadãos ao igual respeito e consideração. Além disso, discute criticamente a sua tentativa de compatibilizar essa igualdade formal, bem como uma concepção mais substancial de igualdade, com a liberdade.

JUSTIFYING LIBERAL RETRIBUTIVE JUSTICE: PUNISHMENT, CRIMINALIZATION, AND HOLISTIC RETRIBUTIVISM

ABSTRACT In this article I explore whether liberal retributive justice should be conceived of either individualistically or holistically. I critically examine the individualistic account of retributive justice and suggest that the question of retribution – i.e., whether and when punishment of an individual is compatible with just treatment of that individual – must be answered holistically. By resorting to the ideal of sensitive reasons, a model of legitimacy at the basis of our best normative models of democracy, the article argues that in modern liberal democracies, punishment of an offender A for f is compatible with just treatment of A only if punishment of an individual for f can be legitimate in A's and A's fellow citizens' eyes. Only once retributive justice is understood in this holistic fashion the imposition of punishment can be made compatible with just treatment of individuals.

Liberal versus neo-developmental convention to growth: why has Brazil shown a poor performance since the 1980s?

The main goal of our paper is to provide analytical arguments to explain why Brazil has not been able to restore its long-term capacity for economic growth, especially compared with its economy in the 1950-1979 period (7.3 per cent per year on average) or even with a select number of emerging economies in the 1980-2010 period(6.7 per cent per year on average, against 2.3 per cent per year on average in Brazil in the same period). We build our idea of convention to growth based on the Keynesian concept of convention. For our purposes, this concept could be briefly summarized as the way in which the set of public and private economic decisions related to different objectives, such as how much to produce and invest, how much to charge for products and services, how to finance public and private debt, how to finance research and development, and so on, are indefinitely - or at least until there is no change- carried out by the political, economic and social institutions. This analytical reference can be connected to the Neo-Schumpeterian National Innovation System (NIS) concept, which emphasizes not only institutions associated with science and technology per se, but also the complex interaction among them and other institutions. In this paper we identify two conventions to long-term growth in the last three decades in Brazil: the liberal and the neo-developmental. We show that the poor performance in the Brazilian economy in terms of real GDP growth from the 1980s on can be explained by a weak coordination between short-term macroeconomic policies and long-term industrial and technological policies. This weak coordination, in turn, can be associated with the prevalence of the liberal convention from the 1990s on, which has emphasized price stabilization to the detriment of a neo-developmental strategy whose primary goal is to sustain higher rates of growth and full employment in Brazil.

O modelo liberal e republicano de liberdade: uma escolha disjuntiva?

Este artigo tem por objetivo apresentar duas maneiras de compreender a liberdade: a liberdade negativa do liberalismo, definida como a esfera do livre agir do indivíduo pela ausência de impedimentos externos, e que se norteia pelo paradigma jurídico dos direitos individuais; e a liberdade política do republicanismo, que se define como não-dominação e se orienta pelo paradigma das virtudes cívicas da cidadania. Um outro propósito consiste em mostrar que a oposição entre o ponto de vista jurídico-liberal e o republicanismo não está na aceitação ou na recusa da liberdade e dos direitos individuais. A divergência repousa, antes, sobre a maneira pela qual essa liberdade e direitos podem ser fundamentados: se pela via do individualismo e subjetivismo, que subordina a sociedade e o direito como instrumentos para a realização e proteção dos direitos individuais, ou pela via comunitarista e cívica. Desse modo, o conceito republicanismo de liberdade, sem abandonar a conquista liberal do pluralismo e da liberdade negativa, pode contribuir para uma efetiva ampliação e garantia dos princípios democráticos de uma sociedade moderna.

A Libéria e a construção do nexo entre segurança e desenvolvimento

O artigo trata das transformações sofridas pelas OMP conduzidas pela ONU no pós-Guerra Fria. A partir do caso liberiano, pretende-se mostrar a consolidação de um nexo entre segurança e desenvolvimento, o qual relacionar-se-ia a um processo mais amplo de normalização das relações internacionais, informado por um vocabulário liberal-democrático.

The essential role of democracy in the Bush Doctrine: the invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan

Everyone knows that democracy played a role in the Bush Doctrine. What not everyone knows is that this role was essential for the doctrine to be put into operation under which the Iraq invasion was prepared and launched. We argue moreover that, even if aggressive, the Bush doctrine is compatible with the American Liberal Tradition. To demonstrate these arguments we analyze the links between democracy, security, and the US national interests as expressed in the pillars of the American foreign policy since the end of Cold War. The consequential belief of the Bush Administration on the positive effect of exporting democracy by the use of force to Afghanistan and Iraq to fight terrorism will be remarked. It will be shown, however, that in the first years of the Bush Administration, among the justifications for the military interventions in the two countries, security reasons prevailed over democratic concerns, although the latter was significantly present since the early hours after September 11. It was only when it became clear that WMDs did not exist in Iraq that the exporting of democracy as the ultimate weapon to fight terrorism grew remarkably and prevailed over security reasons to invade those rogue states. The paper uses quantitative and qualitative content analysis of the speeches of President Bush and his Secretaries of State and Defense.

UN Security Council decision-making: testing the bribery hypothesis

Liberal-Institutionalism and Structural Realism expectations about international organizations are confronted by looking at if and how US-controlled international aid is granted, and particularly if it is related or not to political affinity and to United Nations Security Council (UNSC) non-permanent membership. A preliminary assessment suggests that these relations only hold for the period of the Cold War, and, even then, only when UNSC non-permanent membership is in years in which the Security Council was deemed very important.

Transformações da ordem econômica mundial, do final do século 19 à Segunda Guerra Mundial

Ensaio de caráter histórico sobre as grandes mudanças ocorridas na economia mundial, da belle époque a Bretton Woods, enfatizando elementos de continuidade e de ruptura, tanto no plano do comércio, como no das finanças internacionais, bem como aspectos institucionais. Dentre os primeiros elementos se situam a permanência de um mesmo grupo de nações de economia avançada no pelotão das potências dominantes que formulam e determinam a agenda política internacional, bem como a importância do poderio tecnológico e industrial para apoiar a projeção estratégica e militar dessas potências; dentre as rupturas podem ser citadas a derrota dos emergentes, em especial Japão e Alemanha, que desafiaram a ordem política e econômica mundial mediante tentativas de projeção imperial que destoavam dos esforços de interdependência global que estavam sendo construídos pelas principais economias de mercado, todas de orientação política liberal democrática. A outra potência emergente no período, a União Soviética, foi relativamente marginal economicamente no período e só projetaria poder, verdadeiramente, no final da Segunda Guerra Mundial.

Interests and Values in Obama's foreign Policy: Leading from Behind?

Abstract This study will exam the relative importance of values and interests in Obama's foreign policy, focusing on crucial cases: the military actions related to Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Non-Syria, Al-Qaeda and ISIL. We will argue that his "leading from behind" strategy is not very distant from the foreign and defense strategies of his post-Cold War predecessors, by which democracy is seen as an assurance to security. According to Obama's strategy, Americans will only provide support for the building of democracy in the target countries, while this task should be performed by the locals themselves. Americans will provide military training to the new governments as well so they can be responsible for their own security, including preventing regrouping of terrorists in their soil. If Obama opposes the imposing of democracy by the use of force, empirical data shows that his administration is "not prepared to accept" any option that threats US security or American liberal-democratic values, bringing in this way values and interests very close to each other.

The study of public administration in India, the Philippines, Canada and Australia: the universal struggle against epistemic colonization, and toward critical assimilation

The study of public administration has been characterized as a strong international focus, as both governments and scholars have sought to learn from the experience of other societies. While in a perfect world, one would expect a sort of pragmatic universalism, instead, many scholars tend to bring lessons from one country, or from a single cultural reality. This modest contribution lies in showing a series of national experiences rarely brought to the discourse about public administration in Brazil: Canada, Australia, India and the Philippines. Special emphasis will be given to the following: the origins and the development of public administration; the influence of ideology; and the complex tension between global theory and local practices.

Monetary channels of social inclusion: a case study of basic income and the Caixa Econômica Federal in Brazil

This article reports evidence of new monetary channels for social inclusion involving basic income policies and the Caixa Econômica Federal, a Brazilian government savings bank. Since the Plano Real (Brazilian currency) and the liberalization of banking in the 1990s, the realization of competitive advantages by the Caixa as social policy agent and the importance of citizenship cards differ from existing theories of bank change, financial inclusion and monetary policy. Multi-method research reveals the importance of 1) political theories of basic income, 2) conceptions of citizenship and social justice, and 3) a back to the future modernization of government banking. This provides alternatives to contemporary market-based banking theory, neo-liberal policies, private and non-governmental microfinance strategies, and theories in political economy about fiscal constraints to social policies. New monetary channels of change also suggest that zero sum theories about politics, monetary authority and social inclusion are amiss.