59 resultados para Political agenda


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O artigo tem como objetivo discutir aspectos da agenda pós-moderna e a permanência de sua vitalidade nos dias de hoje. Seu ponto de partida são as idéias desenvolvidas pela autora em artigos anteriores, nos quais privilegia a crítica às principais propostas das tendências "pós": o relativismo epistemológico, a suspeita em relação ao conhecimento objetivo e ao caráter estruturado das coisas e do mundo. Na primeira parte, retomam-se os textos de 1996 e 1998, que apresentam, ainda que rapidamente, as origens da "agenda pós" e indicam alguns de seus desdobramentos, notadamente a virada lingüística e a supressão das fronteiras entre História e Literatura; na segunda, recuperam-se as idéias expostas nos textos de 1998 e 2003, com vistas a mostrar algumas características do pensamento neopragmático de Richard Rorty. Finalmente, assinalam-se as principais repercussões desta ampla agenda na pesquisa e em práticas educacionais.

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O artigo tem por objetivo descrever e problematizar a construção da agenda sobre "sexismo no livro didático" em cenário internacional e nacional. Para tanto, efetua uma revisão crítica da literatura desde a década de 1960 até a contemporaneidade, dando especial ênfase a permanências e mudanças, bem como a tensões detectadas na implementação de políticas que visam o combate ao "sexismo" nos livros didáticos.

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This article starts by identifying the crucial importance of the notion of historical handicap for the present-day social sciences of Latin America. Such notion is not an original invention made by Latinamericanists. On the contrary, I demonstrate that the genealogy of the notion of historical handicap must be sought in the tradition of Western political philosophy. Such genealogy must take into account the way it was integrated into ethnological descriptions. When and how did the Other become the backward, the primitive? While this relation was secondary for ancient Greek thought, theories of historical development became the main source of ethnological categories in the modern era. Interestingly enough, this modern synthesis suited the practical purpose of justifying two successive waves of European imperialistic: the era of discoveries, and 19th century colonialism. The article concludes by raising questions about the present role and application of the social sciences.

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Com a criação e a expansão do Programa Saúde da Família no Brasil, a Medicina de Família e Comunidade (MFC), como especialidade médica, ganhou destaque por ser a mais adequada a esse trabalho. Recentes parcerias entre os ministérios da Saúde e da Educação têm procurado regular a formação de recursos humanos em saúde para atender às demandas de consolidação do Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS) no âmbito da graduação e da pós-graduação. Houve investimento no aumento no número de vagas de residência em MFC, mas parece haver uma incongruência entre o que os futuros médicos almejam em suas carreiras e as necessidades do SUS, o que é demonstrado pelo número de vagas ociosas nesses programas. Com o objetivo de elencar hipóteses explicativas do desinteresse por essa especialidade, fizemos uma revisão de trabalhos que enfocaram essa temática. Encontramos que pouco prestígio, baixos salários, pouca vivência em atenção primária durante a graduação e elevada dívida com a universidade foram os fatores mais recorrentes. Concluímos que é necessário investigar essas hipóteses em nossa realidade, motivo pelo qual propomos uma agenda de pesquisa nessa direção.

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The purpose of this paper is to analyse the political economy of preferential trade agreements based on a sequential non-cooperative Stackelberg political game between a large economy and a small one, in which the political dispute of rival lobby groups defines the unilateral stance of both governments in the first stage; and the Stackelberg "coalition-proof" equilibrium defines the free trade agreement format in the second stage. Finally, a few modifications in the initial game structure are discussed in order to enhance the small economy's negotiation power. The political economy model is applied to FTAA case.

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In this paper we extend Kaldor’s Neo-Pasinetti theorem to the scope of budgetary interventions based on political orientations. First, we take into account a system of taxes and expenditures. Second, we introduce different reaction functions for public spending showing the political role of the State in Cambridge theory of distribution. It turns out that the validity of Kaldorian results depends on the political orientation adopted by government, which diminishes the range of application of the Neo-Pasinetti theorem.

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The State and its reasons: the 2nd PND. This paper intends to contribute to the debate on the reasons why the Geisel administration (1974-78) chose - as it faced an adverse conjuncture - an accelerated growth agenda which was materialized in the 2nd PND (National Development Plan). In order to do so, it resorts to a methodological definition which is based upon an institutionalist approach and favors the interaction between the political and the economic variables. Contradicting the literature that interprets the strong presence of the State and the regional decentralization of the 2nd PND as signs of neopatrimonialism, it is advocated that this category of analysis is inadequate to explain the government’s choice, although this aspect is embedded in the Brazilian social-historical formation. The political rationality of the plan must be investigated in the conjuncture itself, marked by the liberalization project, which does not clash with the plan’s economic rationality - on the contrary, it is complemented by it.

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Addressing rural development discussions in Brazil: context and issues of debate. The work analyzes the main theoretical trends and subjects that integrate the recent Brazilian debate about rural development. We agued that the agenda of the rural development in Brazil, on which actively participate scholars, organizations and institutions, have been formulated by the State and the public politics implemented since the beginning of the 1990. Among the factors that had influenced the emergency of the debate about rural development is distinguished the increasing social and political legitimating of family farming and the agrarian reform, the reorientation of the state policies, the increasing sharply political and ideological quarrels with the agribusiness wing and the matters about sustainability. It is also argued that the analytical and interpretative references that have being used by the scholars are still diffuse and varied, but has been capable to influence the policy makers.

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The debate regarding Brazil's development model returned again to the public arena in the first decade of 21st century after two decades of orthodox economic policies which encouraged non-developed countries to adopt liberal economic policies as their preferred growth strategies. As Brazil achieved neither economic stability nor development, the discussion of new development strategies returned as a popular research topic. It is in this context that a new development theory - New Developmentalism - emerges. The objective of this article is to review the origins of this debate and the main propositions defended by the group aiming to implement a new development model policy in the country. The main conclusions are that this group has had an important contribution in maintaining the development debate in the public agenda as well as proposing a new theoretical approach called "structuralist macroeconomic development".

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This paper discusses the long-run history of education policies in Brazil. It is suggested that the main reason for the educational backwardness was the existence of strong political interests over education. It is also defended that these interests can be empirically observed in the allocation of public resources between the different levels of education, with political choices favouring specific groups in society. It was not a matter of lack of investment in education, but of inadequate allocation of resources. This pattern of political-based policies created a strong negative path dependence of misallocation of resources in education in Brazil, particularly with significant underinvestment in secondary education.

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ABSTRACT:The section “Lordship and Bondage” in Hegel’s Phenomenology of Spirit offers us, through the criticism of slavery, some indications regarding Hegel’s conception of human nature. In this paper some consequences of this conception for Hegel’s political philosophy are identified and presented. The analysis shows problems may emerge when we analyze some fundamental Hegelian concepts – “recognition” and shows that some “men” – if we take into consideration the way these concepts were defined in the master-slave dialectic. In light of these problems it is pointed out that Hegel’s political philosophy, and also his position regarding slavery, become less cogent and more susceptible to criticism. The last part of the text analyzes some consequences of problems related to the possibility of defining the concepts “recognition” and “men” in terms of Hegel’s model of state.