5 resultados para Luta por reconhecimento. Território. Educação

em Universidade Federal de Uberlândia


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The present study on “organization education on Amapá’s Federal Territory (1943-1958)”, looked forward to answering the following questions: Was there an educational policy, in a systemic way, on the former Amapá’s federal territory? On the other hand, what were the main initiatives of the first intervenors for the education dissemination? After facing these questions, we established, as hypothesis, that the developed actions in the education’s scope on that territory back in the 40’s and 50’s were not able to implant an educational project in Amapá, since there was no preoccupation to understanding the sociocultural reality of Amapá’s population. Given this hypothesis, we analyzed the relation between the political practices developed by the first intervenor on the territory and the brazilian political scenario, from the legal-administrative nature of the federal entities and political conjuncture of the “New State” (1937-1945). To achieve that, we sought some similarities between Janary Gentil Nunes’s ways of governing and Getúlio Vargas’s political actions. To make this happen, it was necessary to check official documents out, as well as unofficial ones, especially the old articles published by “Amapá”, the local newspaper, official press tool back then, which disseminated the beliefs and values of the constituted authorities, with the purpose of “strengthen” the “modernization” ideal on the people. Such practice was based on the attempt of breaking off sociocultural economic backwardness of the territory, hiding out the reality of the Amapá’s population, marked by poverty, a high illiteracy rate and the typical tropical diseases from Amazon (Malaria). During the rupture’s process between the old and the modern, the education takes on a major role in the official speech, being used as political advertisement and as essential element to the modernization and to the development of a “new man”: now “civilized”. However, the investigation on the expansion of the elementary education in Amapá, showed us the presence of a significant number of rural schools, in contradiction to the disseminated urban modernization promise around there. In this sense, we can affirm that educational policy on Amapá’s territory failed by reasons of being based on the “transplantation” of the Federal District’s educational project, and it is important to recall that, back then, the brazilian Federal District was Rio de Janeiro. Despite the public agents had established uncountable schools on rural areas, these were not carried out from a more systemic process, this is, considering the reality of the Amazon’s "cabloco". So, we observed the existence of the separation between the modern speech and the maintenance of old oligarchic practices by that time.

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This dissertation has had the goal of understanding and discussing how the fraternity category is presented in the main Brazilian education laws after the promulgation of the 1988 Federal Constitution. The systematization of a theoretical base about the fraternity category in its relation with de Brazilian education regulatory landmarks has allowed the proposition of elements of this category. The process of building the theoretical references of this research was written from a historical recuperation of the French Revolution, taking into account the triad of its main principles, “liberty, equality, and fraternity”, as civic and political values. Likewise, the Haitian Revolution was considered because of the symbolic role this revolution played on the concretization of the triad through the slave and black people’s struggle whose aims were both participation in the colony’s power positions and in the abolishing of slavery. The modernity and post modernity issues, as well as the concepts of citizenship and human rights, are also took as theoretical references in order to identify characteristics and connections of each one of those themes and concepts with the fraternity as a political category. This analysis has allowed the elaboration and systematization of the fraternity category and its constitutive elements: the universality which is directly connected to the local and regional issues; the mondialization as a counter-argument to the globalization which is seen exclusively in its economic dimension; the participative democracy as alternative way to the representative democracy; the “alteridade” (a kind of altruism) due to its specific way to recognize the other one as someone pretty much like me; and the diversity which consider the multicultural perspective and the necessity of building unity. It was possible to identify that the first two elements of the triad, liberty and equality, were the most import ones over the so called modernity period when the triad was put in the second place or only in its religious dimension. The post modernity, in turn, has brought to light the fraternity due to its constitutive elements. It was also possible to highlight the citizenship as a modernity landmark and the human rights as an idea marked by the fraternity and directly linked with the post modernity. From this theoretical frame it was made an analysis of the legal instruments that organize and regulate the Brazilian education: the 1998 Federal Constitution; the Statute for Children and Adolescents; the National Brazilian Education Law; and the National Education Plan. All these legal instruments were discussed based on their relation with the fraternity as a political category and through the identification of its main constitutive elements. The methodological way was put into practice mainly through the qualitative dimension, especially the Bardin’s content analysis. The dissertation has permitted to emphasize that the fraternity as political category was not a forgotten principle in the Brazilian education legislation, but a principle not formally and textually declared yet.

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Urban violence, manifestly public and free, has changed the standard of sociability of townspeople. The city is an increasingly private space of hopes of reducing the risk of victimization, due to the fear of violence that separates and distances the classes in expectation of concealing this behavior. However, violence has many facets and, in one way or another, will always be present as a product of social friction. It is in the urban context and using drug trafficking as a backdrop that this work raises questions about the territorial violence in Montes Claros - MG. The objective was to analyze the dynamics of illicit drug trafficking from the concepts of territory, observing to what extent the appropriation of space contributes to the use of violence, especially in interpersonal disputes. Methodologically, it seeks from quantitative and qualitative techniques make the spatial distribution of criminal indicators, defining and creating hierarchy territories of violence in urban areas. From the qualitative approach seeks to organize and analyze data together to the Civil and Military Police, Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics -IBGE, João Pinheiro Foundation and the System of the Ministry of Health Mortality Information - SIM. The opportunity of miscegenation between the knowledge of the survey respondents and the official data has introduced qualitative part. The city of Montes Claros has been taken as an object of observation due to a set of conditions, which stood its medium size, your importance in the regional context and their socioeconomic disparities. The results point to the existence of multiple territoriality of violence involving the trafficking of illicit drugs in urban space. Territorial disputes by the traffickers have victimized people with socioeconomic characteristics and urban spatial origin similar. The dynamism of the established boundaries from the cohesion and / or rupture of the interests of those involved creates and destroys territories in the power struggle.

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Currently the Science fairs in Brazil have gained great incentive, examples are the regulations that the government has been implementing in education and the financing of public calls for events throughout the national territory. However, even with this incentive, some researchers point out that the scientific fairs and shows are still interpreted as an extemporaneous work by teachers. In order to know the views of basic education teachers about the fairs of Science, proposed to carry out this research. Given this situation, based mediation theory and sociocultural interaction Vygotsky (2001), the theory of instrumentalism Dewey (2002) and the proposed education through research Galiazzi e Moraes (2002), we sought to understand the importance of fair and their benefits as well as the presence in the talks of respondents. In order to analyze the answers of respondents, used to discourse analysis proposed by Eni Orlandi (2009), in which it is observed and is an interpretation of the speech of teachers, considering their interpretation and how to shape their thinking on the research object. In analyzing the results of the survey, it was noted that the teachers interviewed know the importance and objectives of science fairs, however experience difficulties that often does not allow these events to be carried out. In seeking to assist them to minimize these difficulties, it was realized the need for a product to make available guidance on how to develop research projects and assemblies of science fairs, that would provide an education for the research. Thus, resulting from research, was set up a blog and a booklet with texts, articles and report templates.

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Deaf teachers presence at superior education triggers a series of reactions due to cultural differences. They feel the discomfort. The cultural difference defies the established power relations. From that emerge the trading spaces with their constant shocks about problems that affect the deaf teacher participation. The thesis goes through practice, resistance, resilience and political thinking of the deaf teacher at the Superior Education. Authors like: Foucault (2004), Hall (2009), Bhabha (1998), Touraine (2009) and Veiga-Netto (2010) underlie the concept of power relations that permeate this study. Perlin (2003); Ladd (2002) subsidize with the cultural focus. The investigation came from the question: How deaf teachers make their political stands in power relations established to the construction of their narratives at Superior Education? It had the goal of identify and chart the deaf teachers narratives at Superior Education. Leaving from the interview-narrative qualitative approach it was constituted a corpus with the collected narratives. These narratives were identified in order to achieve a thematic map express in the last chapter where the constant facts of the trading spaces of Superior Education shocks unfolds. The results point to an infinity of debates. The deaf teachers do not only present initial conditions of distress, doubt and difficulty at Superior Education, but also the disposition to discuss more the everyday power chains, waged by trading spaces. The identification of the narratives was vitally important to confirm the value of cultural and linguistic recognition as strategy for new politics to the structural power relations at the university context.