2 resultados para Contemporary liberal political thought

em Universidade Federal de Uberlândia


Relevância:

100.00% 100.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

This dissertation aims at showing the importance of the Nietzsche s and Spinoza s philosophy in Deleuze thought, about body, force, and potency concepts. The search starts from Deleuze texts around two authors of his inspiration, reaching understand in the plan of immanence of the relationship between concepts and the way life as ethics and political affirmation. The first goal is the concept of rhizome; propose by Deleuze in what manner to walk the ways traced by philosophers and at the same time to create self ways. The second chapter examines the body in Nietzsche as force s relations. Find to show the genesis of the force in its determination as relative quantity strong or weak, and as absolute quality active or reactive; and for other side the genesis of the force from two poles of the will to power affirmation or negation, examining the consequences for life and thought. In the third chapter explained the definitions of body in Spinoza. The body, in Spinoza, defines itself complex relation of movement and repose, velocity and slowness and by it s to affect and be affecter s power. Find to show understanding the mediums for to amplify the power of to exist or the potency of to act, in what manner ethics of to live. The fourth chapter makes one parallel between the war and the thought in the constitution of socials body and collectives agenciamientos, for understand in the fifth chapter the body as war s machine of the thought, from the relationship between nomad way life and war s machine showed in Tractate of Nomadologia. Wait like this to show the importance of the ethics and political thought than affirm the existence in the world through active force from that body s power.

Relevância:

30.00% 30.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

The present study on “organization education on Amapá’s Federal Territory (1943-1958)”, looked forward to answering the following questions: Was there an educational policy, in a systemic way, on the former Amapá’s federal territory? On the other hand, what were the main initiatives of the first intervenors for the education dissemination? After facing these questions, we established, as hypothesis, that the developed actions in the education’s scope on that territory back in the 40’s and 50’s were not able to implant an educational project in Amapá, since there was no preoccupation to understanding the sociocultural reality of Amapá’s population. Given this hypothesis, we analyzed the relation between the political practices developed by the first intervenor on the territory and the brazilian political scenario, from the legal-administrative nature of the federal entities and political conjuncture of the “New State” (1937-1945). To achieve that, we sought some similarities between Janary Gentil Nunes’s ways of governing and Getúlio Vargas’s political actions. To make this happen, it was necessary to check official documents out, as well as unofficial ones, especially the old articles published by “Amapá”, the local newspaper, official press tool back then, which disseminated the beliefs and values of the constituted authorities, with the purpose of “strengthen” the “modernization” ideal on the people. Such practice was based on the attempt of breaking off sociocultural economic backwardness of the territory, hiding out the reality of the Amapá’s population, marked by poverty, a high illiteracy rate and the typical tropical diseases from Amazon (Malaria). During the rupture’s process between the old and the modern, the education takes on a major role in the official speech, being used as political advertisement and as essential element to the modernization and to the development of a “new man”: now “civilized”. However, the investigation on the expansion of the elementary education in Amapá, showed us the presence of a significant number of rural schools, in contradiction to the disseminated urban modernization promise around there. In this sense, we can affirm that educational policy on Amapá’s territory failed by reasons of being based on the “transplantation” of the Federal District’s educational project, and it is important to recall that, back then, the brazilian Federal District was Rio de Janeiro. Despite the public agents had established uncountable schools on rural areas, these were not carried out from a more systemic process, this is, considering the reality of the Amazon’s "cabloco". So, we observed the existence of the separation between the modern speech and the maintenance of old oligarchic practices by that time.