Critical connections : Islamic politics and political economy in Indonesia and Malaysia

This article explores Islamic politics in two Muslim-majority countries in Southeast Asia, Indonesia and Malaysia, by linking their trajectories, from late colonial emergence to recent upsurge, to broad concerns of political economy, including changing social bases, capitalist transformation, state policies, and economic crises. The Indonesian and Malaysian trajectories of Islamic politics are tracked in a comparative exercise that goes beyond the case studies to suggest that much of contemporary Islamic politics cannot be explained by reference to Islam alone, but to how Islamic identities and agendas are forged in contexts of modern and profane social contestation.

イスラーム銀行の発展と銀行をめぐる問題―既存の体制との矛盾と高利回りへの志向―

本稿では初めに、イスラーム銀行に関する内外の研究状況について俯瞰し、その後でイスラーム銀行が設立される基にある「利子(リバー)の禁止」について述べ、そして歴史上のイスラーム金融について述べた。続いて、1970年代以降のイスラーム銀行の発展について整理した。そこでは、ダール・アル・マール・アル・イスラーミー・グループやアル・バラカ・グループなどのイスラーム銀行グループにも言及しながらイスラーム銀行の発展について述べ、また、中東や南アジア、東南アジアの主要国における状況やアフリカやヨーロッパなどへの拡大についてもまとめた。後半では、イスラーム銀行・イスラーム金融がどのような問題を抱えているかという点について、サウジアラビアを例として既存の金融体制との矛盾の問題を検討し、続いて、実際の金融活動ではムラーバハ金融やその類似手法が多く用いられていることやマレーシアでは非イスラーム教徒の中国系住民がイスラーム銀行の顧客の過半数を占めていることを示しながら、イスラーム金融でも実際には「高利回り」への志向が強まっているなど、イスラーム金融抱えている根本的な問題についても検討した。

サウジアラビアにおけるザカートの徴収－イスラームの税制と国家財政－

本稿ではサウジアラビアにおけるザカート(ザカー)の徴収について検討した。イスラーム諸国におけるザカートは、一般的には、イスラーム教徒が任意で提供する「お布施」的なものとして理解されることが多い。しかし、ザカートは初期イスラーム時代には、イスラームの教団国家の歳入の大きな柱であり、事実上、公租の役割を果たしていた。サウジアラビアでは18世紀半ばにサウード朝が興ったが、サウード朝は初期イスラーム時代を模範とするワッハーブ派と協力して国家を建設したため、サウード朝においてはザカートが重要な国家の歳入源となった。20世紀には石油開発が進み、石油収入が国家歳入の大部分を占めるようになったが、ザカートの徴収は現在でも続けられている。続いて、イスラーム法で定められているザカートの賦課対象と賦課率について述べ、のサウジアラビアの事例を示しながら賦課対象と賦課率について検討した。さらに、企業や個人がザカートを支払う場合の賦課対象や賦課率について述べ、サウジ企業に課せられるザカートと外資に課せられる所得税の相違について検討した。

Non-economic voting and incumbent strength in Turkey

Evidence suggests that incumbent parties find it harder to be re-elected in emerging than in advanced democracies because of more serious economic problems in the former. Yet the pro-Islamic Justice and Development Party (AKP) has ruled Turkey since 2002. Does economic performance sufficiently account for the electoral strength of the AKP government? Reliance on economic performance alone to gain public support makes a government vulnerable to economic fluctuations. This study includes time-series regressions for the period 1950-2011 in Turkey and demonstrates that even among Turkey's long-lasting governments, the AKP has particular electoral strength that cannot be adequately explained by economic performance.

Voting behavior in Indonesia from 1999 to 2014 : religious cleavage or economic performance?

In this study, we examine the voting behavior in Indonesian parliamentary elections from 1999 to 2014. After summarizing the changes in Indonesian parties' share of the vote from a historical standpoint, we investigate the voting behavior with simple regression models to analyze the effect of regional characteristics on Islamic/secular parties' vote share, using aggregated panel data at the district level. Then, we also test the hypothesis of retrospective economic voting. The results show that districts which formerly stood strongly behind Islamic parties continued to select those parties, or gave preference to abstention over the parties in some elections. From the point of view of retrospective economic voting, we found that districts which experienced higher per capita economic growth gave more support to the ruling parties, although our results remain tentative because information on 2014 is not yet available.

中国と湾岸を結ぶ南アジア -- パキスタン・アフガニスタンの動向と関連させて

Pakistan is geographically situated between China and the Gulf. In order to balance its strategic position against the major security threat of India, Pakistan formed a special and stable strategic alliance with China against common threats since the period of the cold war even though the two countries have neither a political ideology nor political system in common. On the other hand Pakistan established another special relation with Saudi Arabia on the basis of Islamic identity. With its expanding economic capacity, China proposed a project by the name of "new silk road economic corridor" with the intention of expanding and multiplying trade routes with the Middle East and Europe. Within this framework Pakistan is expected to expand the role of an alternative land route that connects the Gulf and China for use if unfavorable emergencies occur in the Malacca route. However, the continuous political uncertainty in Afghanistan after the pullout of US-NATO fighting forces at the end of 2014 and sporadic outbreaks of terrorist acts by Pakistan Taliban in Pakistan have increased China's anxiety regarding Uyghur issues at home. Avoiding military options for the moment, China is trying to find ways to play an active role in the security issues of Afghanistan with help from Pakistan if available. On the other hand, it is noteworthy that the Pakistani government formed in the general election of 2008 completed its full term and transferred authority to the newly elected government in 2013, something never observed before in Pakistan's history. Coincidently, in Afghanistan the presidential election was carried out peacefully in 2014 in spite of the Taliban threat. Although it is too early to make any definite conclusion, constitutional processes, in spite of their defects, reflected to some extent wishes for normal life of the people of Pakistan and Afghanistan who were disgusted with weak governance and the prevalence of terrorism.