Comments on Kevin Stenson’s ‘Governing the Local: Sovereignty, Social Governance and Community Safety’

It is a challenging time to be a social scientist. Many of the concepts and categories we took for granted have been revealed as temporally and geographically specific. It is now widely accepted that the nation-state is no longer the sole container for economic, political and social processes, if indeed it ever was. This is where Kevin Stenson begins his paper. He traces the re-ordering of both state and nation, highlighting recent discussions about the unbundling and rescaling of the state and outlining how increasing ethnic and cultural diversity challenge homogeneous conceptions of the nation. In Stenson’s account these are largely empirical processes that are the basis for the important questions he raises about changing understandings of publics and social order, and their implications for the local governance of community safety. He contrasts two alternative positions; the ‘universal human rights position’ which refuses to privilege the interests of majority populations, and a more ‘communitarian and nationalistic position’ which he argues is most likely to be deployed by right wing politicians and interests groups. Drawing from extensive research in the Thames Valley region of the United Kingdom, he shows how these two understandings have both shaped the local policy response to crime and disorder.

Post-9/11 Terrorism Threats, News Coverage, and Public Perceptions in the United States

Terrorists, policy-makers, and terrorism scholars have long assumed that the mere threat of terrorist strikes affects societies that have experienced actual acts of terrorism. For this reason, most definitions of terrorism include the threat of violent political acts against civilians. But so far research has neither validated this conventional wisdom nor demonstrated how actual and mass-mediated threat messages by terrorists and terror alerts and threat assessments by government officials affect the public in targeted states. This paper fills the gap providing evidence that who conveys such messages matters and that mass-mediated threat messages by al Qaeda leaders and announced alerts and threat assessments by U.S. administration officials had a significant impact on the American public’s threat perceptions in the post-9/11 years.

On genitive linking in Songhay

Die Songhaysprachen verwenden unterschiedliche Konstruktionen, um Genitivbeziehungen auszudrücken. In den hier 'Mainstream' genannten Songhaysprachen findet sich vornehmlich eine Konstruktion ohne weitere Verbindungselemente mit dem Possessor an erster Stellung. In den so genannten nördlichen Songhaysprachen findet sich die gleiche Reihenfolge von Possessor und Possessum, dort werden sie jedoch durch eine Adposition n getrennt. Die Forschung hat bisher meistens die Ansicht vertreten, dieses n sei aus dem Tuareg entlehnt worden, wo man ja eine Genitivpräposition n hat. Diese Ableitung ist jedoch problematisch, da im Tuareg der Possessor dem Possessum folgt, also eine umgekehrte Reihenfolge wie im Songhay vorliegt. In diesem Artikel werde ich versuchen, für eine songhay-interne Ableitung von n zu argumentieren. Zwei verschiedene Lösungen werden vorgeschlagen. Der erste An¬satz geht davon aus, dass es sich um das Relikt einer alten Genitivpartikel, ánè, handelt, die sich noch im Pronomen wane 'der von' finden lässt. Im zweiten Ansatz wird angenommen, dass n ursprünglich die Trennung von zwei NPs markierte. Im Mainstream Songhay hätte sich dieses Element zum Transitivmarkierer im Perfektiv entwickelt, im nördlichen Songhay dagegen zum Markierer von Genetivkonstruktionen haben.