29 resultados para indigenous landscape management

em BORIS: Bern Open Repository and Information System - Berna - Suiça


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Structural characteristics of social networks have been recognized as important factors of effective natural resource governance. However, network analyses of natural resource governance most often remain static, even though governance is an inherently dynamic process. In this article, we investigate the evolution of a social network of organizational actors involved in the governance of natural resources in a regional nature park project in Switzerland. We ask how the maturation of a governance network affects bonding social capital and centralization in the network. Applying separable temporal exponential random graph modeling (STERGM), we test two hypotheses based on the risk hypothesis by Berardo and Scholz (2010) in a longitudinal setting. Results show that network dynamics clearly follow the expected trend toward generating bonding social capital but do not imply a shift toward less hierarchical and more decentralized structures over time. We investigate how these structural processes may contribute to network effectiveness over time.

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Since European settlement, there has been a dramatic increase in the density, cover and distribution of woody plants in former grassland and open woodland. There is a widespread belief that shrub encroachment is synonymous with declines in ecosystem functions, and often it is associated with landscape degradation or desertification. Indeed, this decline in ecosystem functioning is considered to be driven largely by the presence of the shrubs themselves. This prevailing paradigm has been the basis for an extensive program of shrub removal, based on the view that it is necessary to reinstate the original open woodland or grassland structure from which shrublands are thought to have been derived. We review existing scientific evidence, particularly focussed on eastern Australia, to question the notion that shrub encroachment leads to declines in ecosystem functions. We then summarise this scientific evidence into two conceptual models aimed at optimising landscape management to maximise the services provided by shrub-encroached areas. The first model seeks to reconcile the apparent conflicts between the patch- and landscape-level effects of shrubs. The second model identifies the ecosystem services derived from different stages of shrub encroachment. We also examined six ecosystem services provided by shrublands (biodiversity, soil C, hydrology, nutrient provision, grass growth and soil fertility) by using published and unpublished data. We demonstrated the following: (1) shrub effects on ecosystems are strongly scale-, species- and environment-dependent and, therefore, no standardised management should be applied to every case; (2) overgrazing dampens the generally positive effect of shrubs, leading to the misleading relationship between encroachment and degradation; (3) woody encroachment per se does not hinder any of the functions or services described above, rather it enhances many of them; (4) no single shrub-encroachment state (including grasslands without shrubs) will maximise all services; rather, the provision of ecosystem goods and services by shrublands requires a mixture of different states; and (5) there has been little rigorous assessment of the long-term effectiveness of removal and no evidence that this improves land condition in most cases. Our review provides the basis for an improved, scientifically based understanding and management of shrublands, so as to balance the competing goals of providing functional habitats, maintaining soil processes and sustaining pastoral livelihoods.

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The impact of human activities on the fire regime in southern Switzerland was studied using (pre)historical charcoal and pollen data from lake sediments and statistical data from the 20th century. The cultural impact on forest fire was established by correlating charcoal-influx data with pollen percentages of anthropogenic indicators such as Plantago lanceolata, the Cerealia (sum of Avena t., Triticum t. and Hordeum t.) and Secale. During the 20th century, fire frequency was correlated with precipitation, dry and very dry periods and landscape management indicators. The effects of human activity on the fire regime are clearly recognisable since at least the Neolithic period. Using palaeoecological or statistical data, the variations in fire regime originating from anthropogenic actions may be differentiated from those due to climatic changes if they are sufficiently conspicuous.

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Southern Switzerland is a fire prone area where fire has to be considered as a natural environmental factor. In the past decades, fire frequency has tended to increase due to changes in landscape management. The most common type of fire is surface fire which normally breaks out during the vegetation resting period. Usually this type of fire shows short residence time (rapid spread), low to medium fire intensity and limited size. South-facing slopes are particularly fire-prone, so that very high fire frequency is possible: under these conditions passive resistant species and postfire resprouting species are favoured, usually leading to a reduction in the number of surviving species to a few fire adapted sprouters. Evergreen broadleaves are extremely sensitive to repeated fires. A simulation of the potential vegetation of southern Switzerland under climatic changed conditions evidenced the coincidence of the potential area of spreading forests rich in evergreen broad-leaved species with the most fire-prone area of the region. Therefore, in future, wildfires could play an important regulating role: most probably they will not stop the large-scale laurophyllisation of the thermophilous forests of southern Switzerland, but at sites with high fire frequency the vegetation shift could be slowed or even prevented by fire-disturbances.

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Viele Länder verankern die Versorgungs- oder Ernährungssicherheit als staatspolitisches Ziel in ihrem Grundgesetz. Neuerdings wird auch das Recht auf Nahrung und auf die Erfüllung weiterer Grundbedürfnisse aufgeführt. Das Schweizer Parlament hat darüber hinaus sogar den Grundsatz der Ernährungssouveränität im Landwirtschaftsgesetz verankert. Die zur Förderung dieser Ziele genannten Aufgaben und Eingriffsrechte des Staates sind jeweils unterschiedlich und unterschiedlich präzise formuliert. Dabei gibt es für jedes Land eigentlich nur zwei Möglichkeiten zur Ernährung: Inlandproduktion und Einfuhr. Eine zusätzliche Option ist die Bildung von Nahrungsmittelreserven zur Überbrückung von Versorgungsengpässen. Die Schweiz benützt und fördert alle drei Möglichkeiten zu ihrer Ernährungssicherheit, im Wesentlichen mit vier Politiken: Versorgungs-, Aussenwirtschafts-, Agrar- und Entwicklungspolitik. Bei Störungen sollen die durch Grenzabgaben finanzierten Pflichtlager während rund sechs Monaten die Inlandnachfrage sichern. Die Optimierung und die Abstimmung unter den verschiedenen Sektorpolitiken, welche unter Berücksichtigung der internationalen Rahmenbedingungen eine grösstmögliche Ernährungssicherheit herbeiführen, gehört zu den Kernaufgaben jedes Staates. Die Umsetzung der genannten Sektorpolitiken ist jedoch in der Praxis nicht immer kohärent, geschweige denn konfliktfrei. Dieser Artikel beschreibt zunächst die internationalen rechtlichen und ökonomischen Parameter für die Schweizer Versorgungspolitik und ihre Beziehung zur Wirtschaftsfreiheit im Allgemeinen, und speziell auf ihre Zweckmässigkeit hinsichtlich der Ernährungssicherheit. Die Analyse der Wechselwirkungen und der Konflikte bei der Umsetzung zeigt, dass die Schweizer Ernährungssicherheitspolitik (food security) in Wirklichkeit eine Politik zur einheimischen Produzentensicherheit ist (farm security). Den Abschluss bilden einige Vorschläge zur Minderung der sektorpolitischen Inkohärenzen und der festgestellten negativen Auswirkungen der Agrarpolitik auf die Schweizer und globale Ernährungssicherheit.

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This paper aims to deepen the search for ecosystem-like concepts in indigenous societies by highlighting the importance of place names used by Quechua indigenous farmers from the central Bolivian Andes. Villagers from two communities in the Tunari Mountain Range were asked to list, describe, map and categorize the places they knew on their community’s territory. Results show that place names capture spatially explicit units which integrate biotic and abiotic nature and humans, and that there is an emphasis on topographic terms, highlighting the importance of geodiversity. Farmers’ perspectives differ from the classical view of ecosystems because they ‘humanize’ places, considering them as living beings with agency. Consequently, they do not make a distinction between natural and cultural heritage. Their perspective of the environment is that of a personalized, dynamic relationship with the elements of the natural world that are perceived as living entities. A practical implication of the findings for sustainable development is that since places names make the links between people and the elements of the landscape, toponymy is a tool for ecosystem management rooted in indigenous knowledge. Because place names refer to holistic units linked with people’s experience and spatially explicit, they can be used as an entry point to implement an intercultural dialogue for more sustainable land management.

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Sustainable and equitable management of biodiversity in protected areas inhabited by indigenous peoples is often a challenge. It requires an intercultural dialogue based on local norms of resource use and indigenous knowledge. Moreover, mechanisms that generate economic incentives must be able to compete with income from illegal activities such as logging, mining, and land trafficking. Finally, efforts are needed to ensure that regulations and policies on conservation and resource extraction do not overlap and contradict each other, as this hampers efforts both to conserve biodiversity and to promote development at the local level.

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Focusing on an overlapping protected area and indigenous territory in the Bolivian Amazon, this article discusses how indigenous people continue to negotiate access to natural resources. Using the theoretical framework of New Institutionalism, ethnographic data from participatory observations, and interviews with Takana indigenous resource users and park management staff, we identified four phases of institutional change. We argue that under the current institutionally pluralistic setting in the overlapping area, indigenous users apply “institutional shopping” to choose, according to their power and knowledge, the most advantageous institutional framework in a situation. Indigenous users strategically employed arguments of conservation, indigeneity, or long-term occupation to legitimize their claims based on the chosen institution. Our results highlight the importance of ideologies and bargaining power in shaping the interaction of individuals and institutions. As a potential application of our research to practice, we suggest that rather than seeing institutional pluralism solely as a threat to successful resource management, the strengths of different frameworks may be combined to build robust institutions from the bottom up that are adapted to the local context. This requires taking into account local informal institutions, such as cultural values and beliefs, and integrating them with conservation priorities through cross-cultural participatory planning.