The WTO and Food Security: What’s Wrong with the Rules?

The WTO Agreement on Agriculture (AoA) is the predominant multilateral legal framework governing agricultural trade. The objective of the AoA is to liberalise trade in agriculture through reductions in tariffs, domestic support and export subsidies. The AoA has not, however, ‘levelled the playing field’ and has not resulted in the equitable distribution of food, particularly for the poorer developing countries. On the other hand, support for small farmers does not ensure food security for the poor. While food security has no simple solutions such as “free trade is good for you”, reform proposals for trade rules which only address agricultural policy instruments fail to account for consumer and other interests: neither tariff reductions and subsidy disciplines, nor safeguards and other measures of producer protection can automatically increase food security. Rather, what is needed is the full and proper implementation of a number of commitments which the international community has already entered into in various human rights treaties, but which even the envisaged results of the now failed Doha Round negotiations could not ensure without revisiting relevant multilateral trade and investment rules.

Do WTO rules improve or impair the right to food?

The global food crisis of 2007–08 seems to be forgotten. Media attention at the time focused on food riots in Haiti and Mozambique, while world leaders and more than a dozen international organizations gathered for several food summits, calling for immediate relief measures. But not a single government seems to remember its obligations under the Right to Food (R2F) which the United Nations (UN) had enshrined back in 1948. Today we have to acknowledge that the R2F still lacks an adequate response under the present multilateral rules and disciplines applying to food production and trade. This chapter examines the present rules and disciplines under the AoA and of those contemplated in the Doha Development Round. Here we find that despite claims to the contrary they contribute precious little to the R2F. Some of the present rules, or the lack thereof, can even act as disincentives for global and national food security. Various forms of production and export subsidies, food aid abuse and export restrictions, are still WTO-legal, with few remedies available to food insecure developing countries. This amounts to a violation of their R2F obligations by many WTO Members.

Legal Aspects of Sino-­African Tied Aid: The Art of Playing with a Legal Grey Area

Sino-African trade has seen a fifty-fold increase in the years 1999 to 2008. In some African regions, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa, China has even replaced the US as the most important trading partner today. But China holds not a single FTA on the African continent, while other major trading partners of African economies rely on an extensive framework of different trade agreements. What is, thus, the legal basis of the recent increase of Sino-African trade? Interestingly, Sino-African trade has seen a particularly strong increase in countries that have entered into tied aid agreements with China. These agreements are commonly known under the term ‘Angola-Model’ and consist of a multifaceted network of barter-trading-systems, aspects of tied aid and concessions for oil and other commodities linked with a state loan. It is likely that these agreements have an impact on the trade-flows between African countries and China. This paper discusses the legal character of this new form of economic cooperation, or modern version of tied aid. Critical legal aspects related to this form of tied aid refer to violation of the principle of most-favoured nation (MFN), illegitimate export subsidies, market access, public procurement and transparency in the international trading system. However, despite the recent outcry of the foremost Western community against the strategy of the Chinese government on the African continent, the practice of the Angola-Model based tied aid is not entirely new, and neither is it against the law. The case of tied aid is situated in a legal grey area that should be examined thoroughly in order to strengthen the international trading system and to support developing countries in their attempt to gain from tied aid arrangements.

Ernährungssicherheit in der Schweiz

Viele Länder verankern die Versorgungs- oder Ernährungssicherheit als staatspolitisches Ziel in ihrem Grundgesetz. Neuerdings wird auch das Recht auf Nahrung und auf die Erfüllung weiterer Grundbedürfnisse aufgeführt. Das Schweizer Parlament hat darüber hinaus sogar den Grundsatz der Ernährungssouveränität im Landwirtschaftsgesetz verankert. Die zur Förderung dieser Ziele genannten Aufgaben und Eingriffsrechte des Staates sind jeweils unterschiedlich und unterschiedlich präzise formuliert. Dabei gibt es für jedes Land eigentlich nur zwei Möglichkeiten zur Ernährung: Inlandproduktion und Einfuhr. Eine zusätzliche Option ist die Bildung von Nahrungsmittelreserven zur Überbrückung von Versorgungsengpässen. Die Schweiz benützt und fördert alle drei Möglichkeiten zu ihrer Ernährungssicherheit, im Wesentlichen mit vier Politiken: Versorgungs-, Aussenwirtschafts-, Agrar- und Entwicklungspolitik. Bei Störungen sollen die durch Grenzabgaben finanzierten Pflichtlager während rund sechs Monaten die Inlandnachfrage sichern. Die Optimierung und die Abstimmung unter den verschiedenen Sektorpolitiken, welche unter Berücksichtigung der internationalen Rahmenbedingungen eine grösstmögliche Ernährungssicherheit herbeiführen, gehört zu den Kernaufgaben jedes Staates. Die Umsetzung der genannten Sektorpolitiken ist jedoch in der Praxis nicht immer kohärent, geschweige denn konfliktfrei. Dieser Artikel beschreibt zunächst die internationalen rechtlichen und ökonomischen Parameter für die Schweizer Versorgungspolitik und ihre Beziehung zur Wirtschaftsfreiheit im Allgemeinen, und speziell auf ihre Zweckmässigkeit hinsichtlich der Ernährungssicherheit. Die Analyse der Wechselwirkungen und der Konflikte bei der Umsetzung zeigt, dass die Schweizer Ernährungssicherheitspolitik (food security) in Wirklichkeit eine Politik zur einheimischen Produzentensicherheit ist (farm security). Den Abschluss bilden einige Vorschläge zur Minderung der sektorpolitischen Inkohärenzen und der festgestellten negativen Auswirkungen der Agrarpolitik auf die Schweizer und globale Ernährungssicherheit.

Energy Export Restrictions in the WTO Between Resources Nationalism and Sustainable Development

This chapter aims at contributing to the trade and energy debate by focusing on the specific issue of export restrictions. It starts from the premise that a balanced and efficient regulation of export barriers in the energy sector would contribute to tackle emerging energy concerns such as energy security and the elimination of fossil fuel subsidies in light of the challenge of climate change mitigation. It assesses the adequacy of existing WTO rules on export restric­tions and accordingly identifies the main gaps and inconsistencies inherent in the current disciplines from an energy-specific perspective. Finally, it discusses the merits of an energy-specific approach to advance existing disciplines in the most deficient area of export duties based on the systematisation of the Russian ‘model’. Such approach could raise the overall level of commitments in the energy sector while still allowing for the systemic applicability of GATT environmental exceptions in a manner consistent with the principle of sus­tainable development recognised in the Preamble of the WTO Agreement.

Posttranslational modification of the AU-rich element binding protein HuR by protein kinase Cdelta elicits angiotensin II-induced stabilization and nuclear export of cyclooxygenase 2 mRNA

The mRNA stabilizing factor HuR is involved in the posttranscriptional regulation of many genes, including that coding for cyclooxygenase 2 (COX-2). Employing RNA interference technology and actinomycin D experiments, we demonstrate that in human mesangial cells (hMC) the amplification of cytokine-induced COX-2 by angiotensin II (AngII) occurs via a HuR-mediated increase of mRNA stability. Using COX-2 promoter constructs with different portions of the 3' untranslated region of COX-2, we found that the increase in COX-2 mRNA stability is attributable to a distal class III type of AU-rich element (ARE). Likewise, the RNA immunoprecipitation assay showed AngII-induced binding of HuR to this ARE. Using the RNA pulldown assay, we demonstrate that the AngII-caused HuR assembly with COX-2 mRNA is found in free and cytoskeleton-bound polysomes indicative of an active RNP complex. Mechanistically, the increased HuR binding to COX-2-ARE by AngII is accompanied by increased nucleocytoplasmic HuR shuttling and depends on protein kinase Cdelta (PKCdelta), which physically interacts with nuclear HuR, thereby promoting its phosphorylation. Mapping of phosphorylation sites identified serines 221 and 318 as critical target sites for PKCdelta-triggered HuR phosphorylation and AngII-induced HuR export to the cytoplasm. Posttranslational modification of HuR by PKCdelta represents an important novel mode of HuR activation implied in renal COX-2 regulation.