Snow variability in the Swiss Alps 1864-2009

We present a climate analysis of nine unique Swiss Alpine new snow series that have been newly digitized. The stations cover different altitudes (450–1860 m asl) and all time series cover more than 100 years (one from 1864 to 2009). In addition, data from 71 stations for the last 50–80 years for new snow and snow depth are analysed to get a more complete picture of the Swiss Alpine snow variability. Important snow climate indicators such as new snow sums (NSS), maximum new snow (MAXNS) and days with snowfall (DWSF) are calculated and variability and trends analysed. Series of days with snow pack (DWSP) ≥ 1 cm are reconstructed with useful quality for six stations using the daily new snow, local temperature and precipitation data. Our results reveal large decadal variability with phases of low and high values for NSS, DWSF and DWSP. For most stations NSS, DWSF and DWSP show the lowest values recorded and unprecedented negative trends in the late 1980s and 1990s. For MAXNS, however, no clear trends and smaller decadal variability are found but very large MAXNS values (>60 cm) are missing since the year 2000. The fraction of NSS and DWSP in different seasons (autumn, winter and spring) has changed only slightly over the ∼150 year record. Some decreases most likely attributable to temperature changes in the last 50 years are found for spring, especially for NSS at low stations. Both the NSS and DWSP snow indicators show a trend reversal in most recent years (since 2000), especially at low and medium altitudes. This is consistent with the recent ‘plateauing’ (i.e. slight relative decrease) of mean winter temperature in Switzerland and illustrates how important decadal variability is in understanding the trends in key snow indicators.

La figure de la sorcière dans la littérature du XIXe siècle (Jules Michelet, George Sand, Eliza Orzeszkowa)

The nineteenth century uncovered and analysed the tragic episodes of witch-hunting and ‘witch’ trials common in Renaissance Europe. Fascinating not only to historians, this subject also inspired men of letters who popularized the image of the witch as an old, ugly and evil person, who thus deserved her lot. Jules Michelet’s La sorcière of 1862 takes a very different approach. Simultaneously a literary and historical work, the book proved scandalous as it rehabilitated the figure of the witch, shedding favourable light on her image: it was the witch who was able to save a last spark of humanity in moments of despair; it was she who acted as comforter and healer to the people. In the context of nineteenth-century literature, certain works by female authors that focused on ‘witches,’ stand out. Whilst certain male authors (Michelet included) presented the witch as a figure from the past, who had finally perished in the 17th century, texts such as George Sand’s La petite Fadette (1848) or Eliza Orzeszkowa’s Dziurdziowie (1885), suggest that the end of witch trials did not imply an end to accusations, persecutions, and even executions of ‘witches’ – and, that in terms of culture, witchcraft or sorcery had not disappeared from the societies they knew.

Comparative analysis of Tritrichomonas foetus (Riedmüller, 1928) cat genotype, T. foetus (Riedmüller, 1928) cattle genotype and Tritrichomonas suis (Davaine, 1875) at 10 DNA loci.

The parasitic protists in the genus Tritrichomonas cause significant disease in domestic cattle and cats. To assess the genetic diversity of feline and bovine isolates of Tritrichomonas foetus (Riedmüller, 1928) Wenrich and Emmerson, 1933, we used 10 different genetic regions, namely the protein coding genes of cysteine proteases 1, 2 and 4-9 (CP1, 2, 4-9) involved in the pathogenesis of the disease caused by the parasite. The cytosolic malate dehydrogenase 1 (MDH1) and internal transcribed spacer region 2 of the rDNA unit (ITS2) were included as additional markers. The gene sequences were compared with those of Tritrichomonas suis (Davaine, 1875) Morgan and Hawkins, 1948 and Tritrichomonas mobilensisCulberson et al., 1986. The study revealed 100% identity for all 10 genes among all feline isolates (=T. foetus cat genotype), 100% identity among all bovine isolates (=T. foetus cattle genotype) and a genetic distinctness of 1% between the cat and cattle genotypes of T. foetus. The cattle genotype of T. foetus was 100% identical to T. suis at nine loci (CP1, 2, 4-8, ITS2, MDH1). At CP9, three out of four T. suis isolates were identical to the T. foetus cattle genotype, while the T. suis isolate SUI-H3B sequence contained a single unique nucleotide substitution. Tritrichomonas mobilensis was 0.4% and 0.7% distinct from the cat and cattle genotypes of T. foetus, respectively. The genetic differences resulted in amino acid changes in the CP genes, most pronouncedly in CP2, potentially providing a platform for elucidation of genotype-specific host-pathogen interactions of T. foetus. On the basis of this data we judge T. suis and T. foetus to be subjective synonyms. For the first time, on objective nomenclatural grounds, the authority of T. suis is given to Davaine, 1875, rather than the commonly cited Gruby and Delafond, 1843. To maintain prevailing usage of T. foetus, we are suppressing the senior synomym T. suisDavaine, 1875 according to Article 23.9, because it has never been used as a valid name after 1899 and T. foetus is widely discussed as the cause of bovine trichomonosis. Thus bovine, feline and porcine isolates should all be given the name T. foetus. This promotes the stability of T. foetus for the veterinary and economically significant venereal parasite causing bovine trichomonosis.

William Harvey revisited

William Harvey's discovery of the circulation of the blood is often described as a product of the Scientific Revolution of the Seventeenth Century. Modern research has, however, shown thatHarvey followed the Aristotelian research tradition and thus tried to reveal the purpose of the organs through examination of various animals. His publication of 1628 has to be read as an argument of natural philosophy, or, more precisely, as a series of linked observations, experiments and philosophical reasonings from which the existence of circulation has to be deduced as a logical consequence. Harvey did not consider experiments as superior to philosophical reasoning nor intended he to create a new system of medicine. He believed in the vitality of the heart and the blood and rejected Francis Bacon's empirism and the mechanistic rationalism of Descartes. Harvey's contribution and originality lied less in his single observations and experiments but in the manner how he linked them with critical reasoning and how he accepted, presented and defended the ensuing radical findings.