Ni una más. International cooperation against gender-based discrimination: the femicide case in Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua, Mexico

The femicide in Ciudad Juárez is a story made of extreme violence against women for different reasons, by different actors, under different circumstances, and following different behavioural patterns. All within a gender discrimination frame based on the idea that women are inferior, interchangeable and disposable according to the patriarchal hierarchy still present in Mexico, but strongly reinforced by a sort of conspiracy of silence provoked either by the high impunity rate, the governmental incompetence to solve the crimes, or the general indifference of the population. It is the story of hundreds of kidnapped, raped, in many cases tortured, and murdered young women in the border between Mexico and the United States. The murders first came into light in 1993 and up to now young women continue to “disappear” without any hope of bringing the perpetrators to justice, stopping impunity, convicting the assassins, and bringing justice to the families of the deceased girls and women. The main questions about femicide in Ciudad Juárez seem to be: why were they brutally assassinated?, why most of the crimes have not been solved yet?, why and how is Ciudad Juárez different from other border cities with the same characteristics?, which powers are behind those crimes in a city that implies mainly women as its labor force, and which has the lowest unemployment rate in the whole country? But there are also many other questions dealing more with the context, the Juarences’ lifestyles, the eventual hidden powers behind the crimes, the possible murderers’ reasons, the response of the local civil society, or the international community actions to fight against femicide there, among many other things, that are still waiting for an answer and that this paper will ‘narrate’ in order to provide a holistic panorama for the readers. But above all there is the need to remember that every single woman or girl assassinated there had a name, an identity, a family, a story to be told time after time and as many times as necessary, in order to avoid accepting these crimes just as statistics, as cold numbers that might make us forget the human tragedy that has been flagellating the city since 1993. We must remember as well that their deaths express gender oppression, the inequality of the relations between what is male and what is female, a manifestation of domination, terror, social extermination, patriarchal hegemony, social class and impunity. The city is the perfect mirror where all the contradictions of globalization get reflected. It is there where all the globalization evils are present and survive by sucking their women’s blood. It is a city where some concepts such as gender, migration and power are closely related with a negative connotation.

Building Peace and/or Gender Equality. Changing Attitudes around Peace, Development and Security in International Cooperation in Rwanda.

The times following international or civil conflicts but also violent revolutions often come with unequal share of the peace dividend for men and women. Delusions for women who gained freedom of movement and of roles during conflict but had to step back during reconstruction and peace have been recorded in all regions of the world. The emergence of peacebuilding as a modality for the international community to ensure peace and security has slowly incorporated gender sensitivity at the level of legal and policy instruments. Focusing on Rwanda, a country that has obtained significant gender advancement in the years after the genocide while also obtaining to not relapse into conflict, this research explores to what extent the international community has contributed to this transformation. From a review of evaluations, findings are that many of the interventions did not purse gender equality, and overall the majority understood gender and designed actions is a quite superficial way which would hardly account for the significative advancement in combating gender discrimination that the Government, for its inner political will, is conducting. Then, after a critique from a feminist standpoint to the concept of human security, departing from the assumption (sustained by the Governemnt of Rwanda as well) that domestic violence is a variable influencing level of security relevant at the national level, a review of available secondary data on GBV is conducted an trends over the years analysed. The emerging trends signal a steep increase in prevalence of GBV and in domestic violence in particular. Although no conclusive interpretation can be formulated on these data, there are elements suggesting the increase might be due to augmented reporting. The research concludes outlining possible further research pathways to better understand the link in Rwanda between the changing gender norms and the GBV.

Il contributo dell’Unione europea all’affermazione dello stato di diritto nella comunità internazionale

This thesis is aimed at analysing EU external relations from the perspective of the promotion of the rule of law in order to evaluate the effectiveness and consistency of its action within the international community. The research starts with an examination of the notion of the rule of law from a theoretical point of view. The first chapter initially describes the historical-political evolution of the establishment of the notion of the rule of law. Some of the most significant national experiences (France, the UK, Germany and Austria) are discussed. Then, the focus is put on the need to propose interpretations which explain the grounds of the rule of law, by highlighting the different formal and substantive interpretations. This philosophical-historical analysis is complemented by a reconstruction of how the notion of the rule of law was developed by the international community, with a view to searching a common notion at the international level by comparing theory and practice within the main international organisations such as the UN, OECD and the Council of Europe. Specific mention is made of the EU experience, whose configuration as a Community based on the rule of law is often debated, starting from the case law of the European Court of Justice. The second chapter deals with the conditionality policy and focuses on the development and scope of democratic conditionality according to the dominant approach of the doctrine. First, the birth of conditionality is analysed from an economic point of view, especially within international financial organisations and the different types of conditionality recreated in the scientific sector. Then an analysis is provided about the birth of democratic conditionality in the EC – in relation to its external relations – firstly as a mere political exercise to be then turned into a standardised system of clauses. Specific reference is made to the main scope of conditionality, that is to say enlargement policy and the development of the Copenhagen criteria. The third chapter provides further details about the legal questions connected to the use of democratic clauses: on the one hand, the power of the EC to include human rights clauses in international agreements, on the other, the variety and overlapping in the use of the legal basis. The chapter ends with an analysis of the measures of suspension of agreements with third countries in those rare but significant cases in which the suspension clause, included in the Lomè Convention first and in the Cotonou Agreement then, is applied. The last chapter is devoted to the analysis of democratic clauses in unilateral acts adopted by the European Union which affect third countries. The examination of this practice and the comparison with the approach analysed in the previous chapter entails a major theoretical question. It is the clear-cut distinction between conditionality and international sanction. This distinction is to be taken into account when considering the premises and consequences, in terms of legal relations, which are generated when democratic clauses are not complied with. The chapter ends with a brief analysis of what, according to the reconstruction suggested, can be rightly labelled as real democratic conditionality, that is to say the system of incentives, positive measures developed within the community GSP. The dissertation ends with a few general considerations about the difficulties experienced by the EU in promoting the rule of law. The contradictory aspects of the EU external actions are manifold, as well as its difficulties in choosing the most appropriate measures to be taken which, however, reflect all the repercussions and tension resulting from the balance of power within the international community. The thesis argues that it is difficult to grant full credibility to an entity like the EU which, although it proclaims itself as the guardian and promoter of the rule of law, in practice, is too often biased in managing its relations with third countries. However, she adds, we must acknowledge that the EU is committed and constantly strives towards identifying new spaces and strategies of action.

Politiche di sviluppo e questione etnica. La cooperazione italiana IN Bosnia Erzegovina

The globalization process of the last twenty years has changed the world through international flows of people, policies and practices. International cooperation to development is a part of that process and brought International Organizations (IOs) and Non Governmental Organizations (NGOs) from the West to the rest of the world. In my thesis I analyze the Italian NGOs that worked in Bosnia Herzegovina (BH) to understand which development projects they realized and how they faced the ethnic issue that characterized BH. I consider the relation shaped between Italian NGOs and Bosnian civil society as an object of ethnic interests. In BH, once part of former Yugoslavia, the transition from the communist regime to a democratic country has not been completed. BH’s social conditions are characterized by strong ethnic divisions. The legacy of the early 1990s crisis was a phenomenon of ethnic identities created before the war and that still endure today. The Dayton Peace Agreement signed in 1995 granted the peace and reinforced the inter-ethnic hate between the newly recognized three principal ethnicities: Serbs, Croats and Bosniak. Through the new constitution, the institutions were characterized by division at every level, from the top to the bottom of society. Besides it was the first constitution ever written and signed outside the own country; that was the root of the state of exception that characterized BH. Thus ethnic identities culture survived through the international political involvement. At the same time ethnic groups that dominated the political debate clashed with the international organization’s democratic purpose to build a multicultural and democratic state. Ethnic and also religious differences were the instruments for a national statement that might cause the transition and development projects failure. Fifteen years later social fragmentation was still present and it established an atmosphere of daily cultural violence. Civil society suffered this condition and attended to recreate the ethnic fragmentation in every day life. Some cities became physically divided and other cities don’t tolerated the minority presence. In rural areas, the division was more explicit, from village to village, without integration. In my speech, the anthropology for development – the derivative study from applied anthropology – constitutes the point of view that I used to understand how ethnic identities still influenced the development process in BH. I done ethnographic research about the Italian cooperation for development projects that were working there in 2007. The target of research were the Italian NGOs that created a relation with Bosnian civil society; they were almost twenty divided in four main field of competences: institutional building, education, agriculture and democratization. I assumed that NGOs work needed a deep study because the bottom of society is the place where people could really change their representation and behavior. Italian NGOs operated in BH with the aim of creating sustainable development. They found cultural barricade that both institutions and civil society erected when development projects have been applied. Ethnic and religious differences were stressed to maintain boundaries and fragmented power. Thus NGOs tried to negotiate development projects by social integration. I found that NGOs worked among ethnic groups by pursuing a new integration. They often gained success among people; civil society was ready to accept development projects and overcome differences. On the other hand NGOs have been limited by political level that sustained the ethnic talk and by their representation of Bosnian issue. Thus development policies have been impeded by ethnic issue and by cooperation practices established on a top down perspective. Paradoxically, since international community has approved the political ethnic division within DPA, then the willing of development followed by funding NGOs cooperation projects was not completely successful.

Transport infrastructure and economic development in least developed countries: the case of Afghanistan

This PhD thesis tries to show the impact of transport infrastructure in economic development in least developed countries and in particular in the case of Afghanistan. Some least developed countries during 1990 to 1999 experienced lack of investment in transportation. Lack of investment further increased the economic development gap between developed and least developed countries. Moreover, lack of literature and research in poor countries such as Afghanistan encouraged me to do my research in this country in order to unveil the problems, facing poor people who are living in inaccessible places and suffer from lack of economic opportunities and long term unemployment. This thesis shows the effect of inaccessibility and immobility in economic opportunities and basic social services in Afghanistan. This thesis is important because it covers the role of transport infrastructures at the moment that international community promised to rebuild the infrastructures of post conflict Afghanistan.

Development discourse in Romania: from Socialism to EU Membership

With their accession to the European Union, twelve new countries - Romania among them - (re)entered the international community of international donors. In the history of development aid this can be seen as a unique event: it is for the first time in history that such a large number of countries become international donors, with such short notice and in such a particular context that sees some scholars announcing the ‘death’ of development. But in spite of what might be claimed regarding the ‘end’ of the development era, development discourse seems to be rather vigorous and in good health: it is able to extert an undeniable force of attraction over the twelve countries that, in a matter of years, have already convinced themselves of its validity and adhered to its main tenets. This thesis collects evidence for improving our understanding of this process that sees the co-optation of twelve new countries to the dominant theory and practice of development cooperation. The evidence collected seems to show that one of the tools employed by the promoters of this co-optation process is that of constructing the ‘new’ Member States as ‘new’, inexpert donors that need to learn from the ‘old’ ones. By taking a case-study approach, this thesis gathers data that suggests that conceiving of the ‘twelve’ as ‘new’ donors is both historically inaccurate and value-ladden. On one hand, Romania’s case-study illustrates how in the (socialist) past at least one in the group of the twelve was particularly conversant in the discourse of international development. On the other hand, the process of co-optation, while being presented as a knowledgeproducing process, can also be seen as an ignorance-producing procedure: Romania, along with its fellow new Member States, takes the opportunity of ‘building its capacity’ and ‘raising its awareness’ of development cooperation along the line drawn by the European Union, but at the same time it seems to un-learn and ‘lower’ its awareness of development experience in the (socialist) past. This is one possible reading of this thesis. At a different level, this thesis can also be seen as an attempt to account of almost five decades of international development discourse in one specific country – Romania – in three different socio-political contexts: the socialist years (up to the year 1989), the ‘transition years’ (from 1989 to the pre-accession years) and the membership to the European Union. In this second reading, the thesis seeks to illustrate how – contrary to widespread beliefs – before 1989 Romania’s international development discourse was particularly vivid: in the most varied national and international settings President Ceausescu unfolded an extensive discursive activity on issues pertaining to international development; generous media coverage of affairs concerning the developing countries and their fight for development was the rule rather than the exception; the political leadership wanted the Romanians not only to be familiarized with (or ‘aware of’ to use current terminology) matters of underdevelopment, but also to prove a sense of solidarity with these countries, as well as a sense of pride for the relations of ‘mutual help’ that were being built with them; finally, international development was object of academic attention and the Romanian scholars were able not only to reflect on major developments, but could also formulate critical positions towards the practices of development aid. Very little remains of all this during the transition years, while in the present those who are engaged in matters pertaining to international development do so with a view of building Romania as an EU-compliant donor.

Una prospettiva storico-filosofica sull'evoluzione del curricolo di fisica nella scuola: problemi e innovazioni pedagogiche

Negli ultimi vent’anni sono state proposte al livello internazionale alcune analisi dei problemi per le scienze nella scuola e diverse strategie per l’innovazione didattica. Molte ricerche hanno fatto riferimento a una nuova nozione di literacy scientifica, quale sapere fondamentale dell’educazione, indipendente dalle scelte professionali successive alla scuola. L’ipotesi di partenza di questa ricerca sostiene che alcune di queste analisi e l’idea di una nuova literacy scientifica di tipo non-vocazionale mostrino notevoli limiti quando rapportate al contesto italiano. Le specificità di quest’ultimo sono state affrontate, innanzitutto, da un punto di vista comparativo, discutendo alcuni documenti internazionali sull’insegnamento delle scienze. Questo confronto ha messo in luce la difficoltà di ottenere un insieme di evidenze chiare e definitive sui problemi dell’educazione scientifica discussi da questi documenti, in particolare per quanto riguarda i dati sulla crisi delle vocazioni scientifiche e sull’attitudine degli studenti verso le scienze. Le raccomandazioni educative e alcuni progetti curricolari internazionali trovano degli ostacoli decisivi nella scuola superiore italiana anche a causa di specificità istituzionali, come particolari principi di selezione e l’articolazione dei vari indirizzi formativi. Il presente lavoro si è basato soprattutto su una ricostruzione storico-pedagogica del curricolo di fisica, attraverso l’analisi delle linee guida nazionali, dei programmi di studio e di alcuni rappresentativi manuali degli ultimi decenni. Questo esame del curricolo “programmato” ha messo in luce, primo, il carattere accademico della fisica liceale e la sua debole rielaborazione culturale e didattica, secondo, l’impatto di temi e problemi internazionali sui materiali didattici. Tale impatto ha prodotto dei cambiamenti sul piano delle finalità educative e degli strumenti di apprendimento incorporati nei manuali. Nonostante l’evoluzione di queste caratteristiche del curricolo, tuttavia, l’analisi delle conoscenze storico-filosofiche utilizzate dai manuali ha messo in luce la scarsa contestualizzazione culturale della fisica quale uno degli ostacoli principali per l’insegnamento di una scienza più rilevante e formativa.

Fighting corruption with pyramids: A Law and Economics approach to combating corruption in post-socialist countries

Corruption is, in the last two decades, considered as one of the biggest problems within the international community, which harms not only a particular state or society but the whole world. The discussion on corruption in law and economics approach is mainly run under the veil of Public choice theory and principal-agent model. Based on this approach the strong international initiatives taken by the UN, the OECD and the Council of Europe, provided various measures and tools in order to support and guide countries in their combat against corruption. These anti-corruption policies created a repression -prevention-transparency model for corruption combat. Applying this model, countries around the world adopted anti-corruption strategies as part of their legal rules. Nevertheless, the recent researches on the effects of this move show non impressive results. Critics argue that “one size does not fit all” because the institutional setting of countries around the world varies. Among the countries which experience problems of corruption, even though they follow the dominant anti-corruption trends, are transitional, post-socialist countries. To this group belong the countries which are emerging from centrally planned to an open market economy. The socialist past left traces on institutional setting, mentality of the individuals and their interrelation, particularly in the domain of public administration. If the idiosyncrasy of these countries is taken into account the suggestion in this thesis is that in public administration in post-socialist countries, instead of dominant anti-corruption scheme repression-prevention-transparency, corruption combat should be improved through the implementation of a new one, structure-conduct-performance. The implementation of this model is based on three regulatory pyramids: anti-corruption, disciplinary anti-corruption and criminal anti-corruption pyramid. This approach asks public administration itself to engage in corruption combat, leaving criminal justice system as the ultimate weapon, used only for the very harmful misdeeds.