The Right to Voice: Its Realization by Estonian and American Parents in Public Schools

Investigating parents’ formal engagement opportunities in public schools serves well to characterize the relationship between states and societies. While the relationship between parental involvement and students’ academic success has been thoroughly investigated, rarely has it been seen to indicate countries’ governing regimes. The researcher was curious to see whether and how does parents’ voice differ in different democracies. The hypothesis was that in mature regimes, institutional opportunities for formal parental engagement are plenty and parents are actively involved; while in young democracies there are less opportunities and the engagement is lower. The assumption was also that parental deliberation in expressing their dissatisfaction with schools differs across democracies: where it is more intense, there it translates to higher engagement. Parents’ informedness on relevant regulations and agendas was assumed to be equally average, and their demographic background to have similar effects on engagement. The comparative, most different systems design was employed where public middle schools last graders’ parents in Tartu, Estonia and in Huntsville, Alabama the United States served as a sample. The multidimensional study includes the theoretical review, country and community analyses, institutional analysis in terms of formal parental involvement, and parents’ survey. The findings revealed sizeable differences between parents’ engagement levels in Huntsville and Tartu. The results indicate passivity in both communities, while in Tartu the engagement seems to be alarmingly low. Furthermore, Tartu parents have much less institutional opportunities to engage. In the United States, multilevel efforts to engage parents are visible from local to federal level, in Estonia similar intentions seem to be missing and meaningful parental organizations do not exist. In terms of civic education there is much room for development in both countries. The road will be longer for a young democracy Estonia in transforming its institutional systems from formally democratic to inherently inclusive.

Regolazione delle prestazioni indispensabili e poteri della Commissione di garanzia

La legge n. 146 del 1990 ha istituito la Commissione di garanzia per l’attuazione della legge sullo sciopero nei servizi pubblici essenziali, un’authority deputata al controllo dell’effettivo bilanciamento del diritto di sciopero con gli altri diritti della persona di rango costituzionale nel caso dei servizi pubblici essenziali. Ad essa spettano alcuni poteri tra di loro eterogenei. Accanto a poteri propulsivi e sanzionatori, essa possiede poteri di tipo normativo. La legge prevede, infatti, che le prestazioni indispensabili e le altre misure necessarie al contemperamento siano determinate da accordi tra il datore di lavoro e le associazioni sindacali, mentre per il lavoro autonomo da codici di autoregolamentazione forniti da ognuna delle categorie interessate. Gli accordi e i codici di autoregolamentazione devono essere, comunque, sottoposti al vaglio della Commissione di garanzia la quale in ultimo stabilisce se essi siano idonei a realizzare il bilanciamento dei diritti in questione. Quando i soggetti indicati dalla legge non provvedano alla redazione dei suddetti atti, la Commissione interviene con l’emanazione di una provvisoria regolamentazione, la quale possiede natura di regolamento, giacchè partecipa dei caratteri della generalità ed astrattezza propri delle norme di legge. In effetti, anche altre authorities possiedono un potere normativo, che si sostanzia alle volte in un regolamento indipendente, altre in un regolamento simile ai regolamenti delegati ed altre al regolamento esecutivo. Poiché la legge n. 146 del 1990 prevede quali siano gli istituti idonei a realizzare il bilanciamento (preavviso, proclamazione scritta, procedure di raffreddamento e conciliazione, intervallo minimo, misure indicative delle prestazioni indispensabili), la provvisoria regolamentazione possiede i caratteri del regolamento esecutivo.

L’autotutela collettiva tra ipotesi di revisione della disciplina nazionale e prospettive europee

Nel presente lavoro viene trattato il delicato tema dell’autotutela collettiva, nell’intersezione tra ipotesi di revisione nazionale e prospettive europee. Dapprima viene ricostruita l’evoluzione della valutazione del conflitto collettivo nell’ordinamento giuridico italiano ed effettuata una ricognizione delle diverse manifestazioni del conflitto collettivo ivi riscontrabili. Il tentativo è quello di superare i limiti di una trattazione ristretta allo sciopero e di verificare la perdurante validità della tradizionale nozione di sciopero, intesa esclusivamente come astensione collettiva dalle prestazioni di lavoro. In un secondo capitolo vengono esaminati i disegni di legge di riforma in materia di conflitto collettivo, presentati nel corso della XVI legislatura e le clausole, incidenti sulla medesima materia, rinvenibili nell’Accordo interconfederale del 28 giugno 2011 e negli accordi FIAT del 2010, relativi agli stabilimenti di Pomigliano D’Arco e Mirafiori. Alla luce di tali materiali, si riesaminano le tematiche della titolarità individuale del diritto di sciopero, delle clausole di tregua e delle procedure arbitrali e conciliative. Successivamente, viene esaminata la produzione legislativa e giurisprudenziale comunitaria in tema di conflitto collettivo. Il confronto con l’ordinamento nazionale consente di mettere criticamente in luce il diverso rapporto tra mercato e diritti d’azione collettiva e di rilevare che nell’ordinamento comunitario la giurisprudenza della Corte di giustizia abbia introdotto limiti eccessivi al dispiegarsi dei diritti sociali in esame. Da ultimo, vengono formulate alcune considerazioni conclusive. Criticamente viene rilevato come, in tempi di globalizzazione, non viene prestata sufficiente attenzione alla valorizzazione del conflitto collettivo, come motore dell’emancipazione e del progresso sociale.

"Water users must be efficient producers". Women's access to and use of land in Chókwè irrigation scheme, Mozambique

The irrigation scheme Eduardo Mondlane, situated in Chókwè District - in the Southern part of the Gaza province and within the Limpopo River Basin - is the largest in the country, covering approximately 30,000 hectares of land. Built by the Portuguese colonial administration in the 1950s to exploit the agricultural potential of the area through cash-cropping, after Independence it became one of Frelimo’s flagship projects aiming at the “socialization of the countryside” and at agricultural economic development through the creation of a state farm and of several cooperatives. The failure of Frelimo’s economic reforms, several infrastructural constraints and local farmers resistance to collective forms of production led to scheme to a state of severe degradation aggravated by the floods of the year 2000. A project of technical rehabilitation initiated after the floods is currently accompanied by a strong “efficiency” discourse from the managing institution that strongly opposes the use of irrigated land for subsistence agriculture, historically a major livelihood strategy for smallfarmers, particularly for women. In fact, the area has been characterized, since the end of the XIX century, by a stable pattern of male migration towards South African mines, that has resulted in an a steady increase of women-headed households (both de jure and de facto). The relationship between land reform, agricultural development, poverty alleviation and gender equality in Southern Africa is long debated in academic literature. Within this debate, the role of agricultural activities in irrigation schemes is particularly interesting considering that, in a drought-prone area, having access to water for irrigation means increased possibilities of improving food and livelihood security, and income levels. In the case of Chókwè, local governments institutions are endorsing the development of commercial agriculture through initiatives such as partnerships with international cooperation agencies or joint-ventures with private investors. While these business models can sometimes lead to positive outcomes in terms of poverty alleviation, it is important to recognize that decentralization and neoliberal reforms occur in the context of financial and political crisis of the State that lacks the resources to efficiently manage infrastructures such as irrigation systems. This kind of institutional and economic reforms risk accelerating processes of social and economic marginalisation, including landlessness, in particular for poor rural women that mainly use irrigated land for subsistence production. The study combines an analysis of the historical and geographical context with the study of relevant literature and original fieldwork. Fieldwork was conducted between February and June 2007 (where I mainly collected secondary data, maps and statistics and conducted preliminary visit to Chókwè) and from October 2007 to March 2008. Fieldwork methodology was qualitative and used semi-structured interviews with central and local Government officials, technical experts of the irrigation scheme, civil society organisations, international NGOs, rural extensionists, and water users from the irrigation scheme, in particular those women smallfarmers members of local farmers’ associations. Thanks to the collaboration with the Union of Farmers’ Associations of Chókwè, she has been able to participate to members’ meeting, to education and training activities addressed to women farmers members of the Union and to organize a group discussion. In Chókwè irrigation scheme, women account for the 32% of water users of the familiar sector (comprising plot-holders with less than 5 hectares of land) and for just 5% of the private sector. If one considers farmers’ associations of the familiar sector (a legacy of Frelimo’s cooperatives), women are 84% of total members. However, the security given to them by the land title that they have acquired through occupation is severely endangered by the use that they make of land, that is considered as “non efficient” by the irrigation scheme authority. Due to a reduced access to marketing possibilities and to inputs, training, information and credit women, in actual fact, risk to see their right to access land and water revoked because they are not able to sustain the increasing cost of the water fee. The myth of the “efficient producer” does not take into consideration the characteristics of inequality and gender discrimination of the neo-liberal market. Expecting small-farmers, and in particular women, to be able to compete in the globalized agricultural market seems unrealistic, and can perpetuate unequal gendered access to resources such as land and water.

InSAR deformation measurements of the earthquake cycle in transcurrent tectonic domains, analytical and analog modeling

I applied the SBAS-DInSAR method to the Mattinata Fault (MF) (Southern Italy) and to the Doruneh Fault System (DFS) (Central Iran). In the first case, I observed limited internal deformation and determined the right lateral kinematic pattern with a compressional pattern in the northern sector of the fault. Using the Okada model I inverted the observed velocities defining a right lateral strike slip solution for the MF. Even if it fits the data within the uncertainties, the modeled slip rate of 13-15 mm yr-1 seems too high with respect to the geological record. Concerning the Western termination of DFS, SAR data confirms the main left lateral transcurrent kinematics of this fault segment, but reveal a compressional component. My analytical model fits successfully the observed data and quantifies the slip in ~4 mm yr-1 and ~2.5 mm yr-1 of pure horizontal and vertical displacement respectively. The horizontal velocity is compatible with geological record. I applied classic SAR interferometry to the October–December 2008 Balochistan (Central Pakistan) seismic swarm; I discerned the different contributions of the three Mw > 5.7 earthquakes determining fault positions, lengths, widths, depths and slip distributions, constraining the other source parameters using different Global CMT solutions. A well constrained solution has been obtained for the 09/12/2008 aftershock, whereas I tested two possible fault solutions for the 28-29/10/08 mainshocks. It is not possible to favor one of the solutions without independent constraints derived from geological data. Finally I approached the study of the earthquake-cycle in transcurrent tectonic domains using analog modeling, with alimentary gelatins like crust analog material. I successfully joined the study of finite deformation with the earthquake cycle study and sudden dislocation. A lot of seismic cycles were reproduced in which a characteristic earthquake is recognizable in terms of displacement, coseismic velocity and recurrence time.

Conflict affected peoples’ access to education: IDP pupils in Georgia

This work seeks to understand what kind of impact educational policies have had on the secondary school students among internally displaced persons (IDPs) and their identity reconstruction in Georgia. The study offers a snapshot of the current situation based on desk study and interviews conducted among a sample of secondary school IDP pupils. In the final chapter, the findings will be reflected against the broader political context in Georgia and beyond. The study is interdisciplinary and its methodology is based on social identity theory. I shall compare two groups of IDPs who were displaced as a result of two separate conflicts. The IDPs displaced as a result of conflict in Abkhazia in 1992–1994 are named as old caseload IDPs. The second group of IDPs were displaced after a conflict in South Ossetia in 2008. Additionally, I shall touch upon the situation of the pupils among the returnees, a group of Georgian old caseload IDPs, who have spontaneously returned to de facto Abkhazia. According to the interviews, the secondary school student IDPs identify themselves strongly with the Georgian state, but their group identities are less prevailing. Particularly the old case load IDP students are fully integrated in local communities. Moreover, there seems not to be any tangible bond between the old and new caseload IDP students. The schools have neither tried nor managed to preserve IDP identities which would, for instance, make political mobilisation likely along these lines. Right to education is a human right enshrined in a number of international conventions to which the IDPs are also entitled. Access to education or its denial has a deep impact on individual and societal development. Furthermore, education has a major role in (re)constructing personal as well as national identity.