La tutela penale ambientale e la nozione di rifiuto fra istanze soprannazionali ed approdi nostrani

Fighting corruption with pyramids: A Law and Economics approach to combating corruption in post-socialist countries

Corruption is, in the last two decades, considered as one of the biggest problems within the international community, which harms not only a particular state or society but the whole world. The discussion on corruption in law and economics approach is mainly run under the veil of Public choice theory and principal-agent model. Based on this approach the strong international initiatives taken by the UN, the OECD and the Council of Europe, provided various measures and tools in order to support and guide countries in their combat against corruption. These anti-corruption policies created a repression -prevention-transparency model for corruption combat. Applying this model, countries around the world adopted anti-corruption strategies as part of their legal rules. Nevertheless, the recent researches on the effects of this move show non impressive results. Critics argue that “one size does not fit all” because the institutional setting of countries around the world varies. Among the countries which experience problems of corruption, even though they follow the dominant anti-corruption trends, are transitional, post-socialist countries. To this group belong the countries which are emerging from centrally planned to an open market economy. The socialist past left traces on institutional setting, mentality of the individuals and their interrelation, particularly in the domain of public administration. If the idiosyncrasy of these countries is taken into account the suggestion in this thesis is that in public administration in post-socialist countries, instead of dominant anti-corruption scheme repression-prevention-transparency, corruption combat should be improved through the implementation of a new one, structure-conduct-performance. The implementation of this model is based on three regulatory pyramids: anti-corruption, disciplinary anti-corruption and criminal anti-corruption pyramid. This approach asks public administration itself to engage in corruption combat, leaving criminal justice system as the ultimate weapon, used only for the very harmful misdeeds.

La prova penale nelle indagini difensive. Analisi comparata degli strumenti processuali concessi alla difesa nei sistemi italiano e statunitense.

L’elaborato si occupa di fare il punto in materia di indagini difensive a tre lustri dall’entrata in vigore della legge n. 397/2000, epilogo di un lungo processo evolutivo che ha visto da un lato, una gestazione faticosa e travagliata, dall’altro, un prodotto normativo accolto dagli operatori in un contesto di scetticismo generale. In un panorama normativo e giurisprudenziale in continua evoluzione, i paradigmi dettati dagli artt. 24 e 111 della Costituzione, in tema di diritto alla difesa e di formazione della prova penale secondo il principio del contraddittorio tra le parti, in condizioni di parità, richiedono che il sistema giustizia offra sia all’indagato che all’imputato sufficienti strumenti difensivi. Tenuto conto delle diversità che caratterizzano naturalmente i ruoli dell’accusa e della difesa che impongono asimmetrie genetiche inevitabili, l’obiettivo della ricerca consiste nella disamina degli strumenti idonei a garantire il diritto alla prova della difesa in ogni stato e grado del procedimento, nel tentativo di realizzare compiutamente il principio di parità accusa - difesa nel processo penale. La ricerca si dipana attraverso tre direttrici: l’analisi dello statuto sulle investigazioni difensive nella sua evoluzione storica sino ai giorni nostri, lo studio della prova penale nel sistema americano e, infine, in alcune considerazioni finali espresse in chiave comparatistica. Le suggestioni proposte sono caratterizzate da un denominatore comune, ovvero dal presupposto che per contraddire è necessario conoscere e che solo per tale via sia possibile, finalmente, riconoscere il diritto di difendersi indagando.

Transitional Justice as a Post-Revolution Constitutional Arrangement: A Law and Economics Approach

This dissertation addresses the timely questions of transitional justice (TJ) in the aftermath of revolutions against autocratic regimes, dealing with TJ as a constitutional arrangement through the lenses of constitutional economics. After an introductory chapter, chapter 2 deals with why nations rarely adopt meaningful TJ processes in the first place, it then explains the limitations of civil society as the arbiter, facilitator, and enforcer of TJ policies. Chapter 3 tackles the question of which mechanisms to choose? It uses the UN Guidelines on TJ that sets five principal TJ mechanisms. It provides a cost-benefit analysis (CBA) of each mechanism and suggests policy implications accordingly. The CBA inspires chapter 4 analysis, suggesting a tradeoff between restrictive fair trial standards under constitutional laws and justice considerations. The tradeoff explains the suggested efficiency of the balanced TJ approaches that combine trials and amnesties. This approach is used for the case study analysis of TJ in Tunisia after the 2011 revolution in chapter 5. The chapter presents the first index of TJ mechanisms in Tunisia through novel data collected by the author. It shows an ultimate TJ design that ended with a modest harvest in the application. The lack of cooperation between the Tunisian parties, added to the absence of transparency in many TJ measures, threatens any possible positive outcomes of the partial TJ process. It is also alarming regarding constitutional compliance in a system that – until recently - was considered the only democracy in the Arab region. Chapter 6 is a summary

Towards Europe 2050: the role of institutions, EU research, and citizens for climate justice. The urban challenge in Amsterdam, Bilbao, Freiburg, and Lisbon.

The climate crisis is the greatest challenge humanity has ever faced, and in 2023 the average global temperature reached new records, prompting the UN Secretary General to declare that 'the era of global warming is over, and the era of global boiling has arrived'. In this context, urban areas play a key role, and can be considered a bottleneck of the climate crisis. The European Commission is investing billions of euros in research and innovation projects in urban areas, while the European Green Deal strategy has the ambition of making Europe the first carbon-neutral continent on the planet by 2050. However, studies and research show that the causes of the climate crisis are rooted in an economic system that produces profound inequalities, and the very solutions to address the consequences of global warming risk deepening them. In this context, the role of cities is not only to decarbonise their urban fabric, but to build solutions to the social challenge posed by the climate crisis, promoting paradigm shifts capable of producing trajectories towards so-called 'climate justice'. This research analyses, through a holistic view, European policies in these fields, and delves into the actions and projects of four European cities - Amsterdam, Bilbao, Freiburg, and Lisbon - through a qualitative approach aimed at identifying strengths and contradictions of strategies to tackle the climate crisis. Delving into the collective dynamics and social impacts of the actions promoted, the research proposes a comprehensive view of the role that urban areas can play not only in decarbonising society, but in promoting a paradigm shift capable of addressing the economic causes and social consequences of the climate crisis.