6 resultados para Election campaigning
em AMS Tesi di Dottorato - Alm@DL - Università di Bologna
Resumo:
Process algebraic architectural description languages provide a formal means for modeling software systems and assessing their properties. In order to bridge the gap between system modeling and system im- plementation, in this thesis an approach is proposed for automatically generating multithreaded object-oriented code from process algebraic architectural descriptions, in a way that preserves – under certain assumptions – the properties proved at the architectural level. The approach is divided into three phases, which are illustrated by means of a running example based on an audio processing system. First, we develop an architecture-driven technique for thread coordination management, which is completely automated through a suitable package. Second, we address the translation of the algebraically-specified behavior of the individual software units into thread templates, which will have to be filled in by the software developer according to certain guidelines. Third, we discuss performance issues related to the suitability of synthesizing monitors rather than threads from software unit descriptions that satisfy specific constraints. In addition to the running example, we present two case studies about a video animation repainting system and the implementation of a leader election algorithm, in order to summarize the whole approach. The outcome of this thesis is the implementation of the proposed approach in a translator called PADL2Java and its integration in the architecture-centric verification tool TwoTowers.
Resumo:
A very recent and exciting new area of research is the application of Concurrency Theory tools to formalize and analyze biological systems and one of the most promising approach comes from the process algebras (process calculi). A process calculus is a formal language that allows to describe concurrent systems and comes with well-established techniques for quantitative and qualitative analysis. Biological systems can be regarded as concurrent systems and therefore modeled by means of process calculi. In this thesis we focus on the process calculi approach to the modeling of biological systems and investigate, mostly from a theoretical point of view, several promising bio-inspired formalisms: Brane Calculi and k-calculus family. We provide several expressiveness results mostly by means of comparisons between calculi. We provide a lower bound to the computational power of the non Turing complete MDB Brane Calculi by showing an encoding of a simple P-System into MDB. We address the issue of local implementation within the k-calculus family: whether n-way rewrites can be simulated by binary interactions only. A solution introducing divergence is provided and we prove a deterministic solution preserving the termination property is not possible. We use the symmetric leader election problem to test synchronization capabilities within the k-calculus family. Several fragments of the original k-calculus are considered and we prove an impossibility result about encoding n-way synchronization into (n-1)-way synchronization. A similar impossibility result is obtained in a pure computer science context. We introduce CCSn, an extension of CCS with multiple input prefixes and show, using the dining philosophers problem, that there is no reasonable encoding of CCS(n+1) into CCSn.
Resumo:
There have been almost fifty years since Harry Eckstein' s classic monograph, A Theory of Stable Democracy (Princeton, 1961), where he sketched out the basic tenets of the “congruence theory”, which was to become one of the most important and innovative contributions to understanding democratic rule. His next work, Division and Cohesion in Democracy, (Princeton University Press: 1966) is designed to serve as a plausibility probe for this 'theory' (ftn.) and is a case study of a Northern democratic system, Norway. What is more, this line of his work best exemplifies the contribution Eckstein brought to the methodology of comparative politics through his seminal article, “ “Case Study and Theory in Political Science” ” (in Greenstein and Polsby, eds., Handbook of Political Science, 1975), on the importance of the case study as an approach to empirical theory. This article demonstrates the special utility of “crucial case studies” in testing theory, thereby undermining the accepted wisdom in comparative research that the larger the number of cases the better. Although not along the same lines, but shifting the case study unit of research, I intend to take up here the challenge and build upon an equally unique political system, the Swedish one. Bearing in mind the peculiarities of the Swedish political system, my unit of analysis is going to be further restricted to the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Svenska Arbetare Partiet. However, my research stays within the methodological framework of the case study theory inasmuch as it focuses on a single political system and party. The Swedish SAP endurance in government office and its electoral success throughout half a century (ftn. As of the 1991 election, there were about 56 years - more than half century - of interrupted social democratic "reign" in Sweden.) are undeniably a performance no other Social Democrat party has yet achieved in democratic conditions. Therefore, it is legitimate to inquire about the exceptionality of this unique political power combination. Which were the different components of this dominance power position, which made possible for SAP's governmental office stamina? I will argue here that it was the end-product of a combination of multifarious factors such as a key position in the party system, strong party leadership and organization, a carefully designed strategy regarding class politics and welfare policy. My research is divided into three main parts, the historical incursion, the 'welfare' part and the 'environment' part. The first part is a historical account of the main political events and issues, which are relevant for my case study. Chapter 2 is devoted to the historical events unfolding in the 1920-1960 period: the Saltsjoebaden Agreement, the series of workers' strikes in the 1920s and SAP's inception. It exposes SAP's ascent to power in the mid 1930s and the party's ensuing strategies for winning and keeping political office, that is its economic program and key economic goals. The following chapter - chapter 3 - explores the next period, i.e. the period from 1960s to 1990s and covers the party's troubled political times, its peak and the beginnings of the decline. The 1960s are relevant for SAP's planning of a long term economic strategy - the Rehn Meidner model, a new way of macroeconomic steering, based on the Keynesian model, but adapted to the new economic realities of welfare capitalist societies. The second and third parts of this study develop several hypotheses related to SAP's 'dominant position' (endurance in politics and in office) and test them afterwards. Mainly, the twin issues of economics and environment are raised and their political relevance for the party analyzed. On one hand, globalization and its spillover effects over the Swedish welfare system are important causal factors in explaining the transformative social-economic challenges the party had to put up with. On the other hand, Europeanization and environmental change influenced to a great deal SAP's foreign policy choices and its domestic electoral strategies. The implications of globalization on the Swedish welfare system will make the subject of two chapters - chapters four and five, respectively, whereupon the Europeanization consequences will be treated at length in the third part of this work - chapters six and seven, respectively. Apparently, at first sight, the link between foreign policy and electoral strategy is difficult to prove and uncanny, in the least. However, in the SAP's case there is a bulk of literature and public opinion statistical data able to show that governmental domestic policy and party politics are in a tight dependence to foreign policy decisions and sovereignty issues. Again, these country characteristics and peculiar causal relationships are outlined in the first chapters and explained in the second and third parts. The sixth chapter explores the presupposed relationship between Europeanization and environmental policy, on one hand, and SAP's environmental policy formulation and simultaneous agenda-setting at the international level, on the other hand. This chapter describes Swedish leadership in environmental policy formulation on two simultaneous fronts and across two different time spans. The last chapter, chapter eight - while trying to develop a conclusion, explores the alternative theories plausible in explaining the outlined hypotheses and points out the reasons why these theories do not fit as valid alternative explanation to my systemic corporatism thesis as the main causal factor determining SAP's 'dominant position'. Among the alternative theories, I would consider Traedgaardh L. and Bo Rothstein's historical exceptionalism thesis and the public opinion thesis, which alone are not able to explain the half century social democratic endurance in government in the Swedish case.
Resumo:
Pochi sono i dati disponibili sul decorso clinico della malattia di Crohn del colon severa(CD). L'obiettivo è quello di descrivere il decorso clinico della colite di Crohn severa (CC) in una coorte di pazienti isolata con CD del colon o ileocolica, e di confrontarlo con il decorso clinico di pazienti affetti da colite ulcerosa severa (UC). 34 pazienti con CC severa sono stati identificati retrospettivamente nella nostra coorte di 593 pazienti ricoverati (2003-2012) attraverso la valutazione di CDAI score e HBI. 169 pazienti con UC severa sono stati identificati retrospettivamente in una coorte di 449 pazienti ricoverati (2003-2012) attraverso la valutazione del score di Lichtiger e di Truelove-Witts. Abbiamo valutato questi risultati: risposta agli steroidi, risposta ai farmaci biologici, tasso di colectomia acuta, tasso di colectomia durante il follow-up, megacolon e tasso di infezione da citomegalovirus. Non abbiamo trovato differenze significative nella risposta agli steroidi e biologici, della percentuale di infezione da citomegalovirus e di megacolon, mentre il tasso di colectomia in acuto è risultato essere maggiore nei pazienti con CC rispetto ai pazienti con UC; anche la differenza tra i tassi di colectomia alla fine del follow-up è risultata non significativa. Con l'analisi univariata la giovane età alla diagnosi è associata ad un aumentato rischio di colectomia in assoluto (p = 0,024) e in elezione (p = 0.022), ma non in acuto. Il tasso globale di colectomia nei pazienti con CC severa è superiore a quella dei pazienti con UC severa , ma questo dato non è supportato da una diversa risposta clinica alla terapia steroidea o terapia di salvataggio con biologici. Il vero decorso clinico della colite di Crohn severa necessita di essere chiarito da studi prospettici che includano un numero maggiore di pazienti con questo sottogruppo di malattia.
Resumo:
La tesi si propone come obiettivo di dimostrare nel quadro di un’indagine comparatistica l’importanza della tematica del finanziamento della politica, del rapporto tra denaro e politica, nelle democrazie contemporanee. In questo senso ci si propone di sviluppare i nessi esistenti nell’ambito del tema del finanziamento fra disciplina dei partiti, disciplina delle campagne elettorali e, più in generale, disciplina del sistema elettorale in senso stretto e della forma di governo; di descrivere il complesso quadro giuridico in materia di diritto della finanza politica, oggetto di frequenti aggiornamenti e in continua evoluzione, in alcuni casi anche in via giurisprudenziale, quale risulta emergere dallo studio di ciascun ordinamento considerato; e di definire in conclusione i precisi contorni dei due distinti modelli di «finanziamento della politica» ricostruiti dalla ricerca politologica come modello statalista o pubblico, da una parte, e modello liberale o volontario, dall’altra, pur nelle specificità di ogni contesto istituzionale
Resumo:
Gli avvenimenti politico-istituzionali degli ultimi anni hanno determinato un vivace dibattito sulla questione dei cc.dd. “governi del Presidente”, con cui si suole far riferimento ad Esecutivi il cui procedimento di formazione e le cui crisi registrano un interventismo del Presidente della Repubblica superiore a quello richiesto e/o consentito dal dettato costituzionale. Obiettivo dell’elaborato è duplice: fornire un tentativo definitorio della categoria “governi del Presidente”, nonché valutare la compatibilità di questa con la forma di governo parlamentare, soprattutto in considerazione dei recenti sviluppi delle dinamiche politico-istituzionali italiane. Sulla base di questo presupposto, nel presente lavoro si procede a una ricostruzione dell’evoluzione della prassi e delle consuetudini costituzionali in merito all’esercizio dei poteri presidenziali nella gestione delle crisi di governo, con particolare riferimento al procedimento di formazione dell’Esecutivo. La tesi si presenta articolata in due parti, corrispondenti a due differenti periodi storici (cc.dd. Prima e Seconda Repubblica), organizzate per capitoli, relativi alle principali fasi di evoluzione del sistema politico attraversate nel corso della storia della Repubblica. Questa scelta si giustifica in ragione del fatto che il modus operandi del Presidente della Repubblica risulta fortemente condizionato dai mutamenti del contesto politico-istituzionale. Nei singoli paragrafi, dedicati ai presidenti, vengono trattati l’elezione del Presidente, le modalità di formazione dei governi nominati, nonché ulteriori temi la cui disamina è stata ritenuta opportuna allo scopo di fornire una contestualizzazione più adeguata dell’analisi svolta (utilizzo del potere di esternazione e di scioglimento delle Camere, gestione delle attività di politica interna e politica estera, principali avvenimenti dei periodi storici considerati, e così via).