49 resultados para Vietnamese Immigration to Western Countries


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Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC

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Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

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Desde sua inauguração em 1888 até 1978, a Hospedaria de Imigrantes de São Paulo atuou na recepção, triagem e encaminhamento de aproximadamente 3,5 milhões de trabalhadores (imigrantes e migrantes internos) para diversos setores da agricultura paulista. Parte significativa da documentação produzida ou depositada nessa Instituição é composta por suportes como: livros de registro, fichas de identificação e listas de bordo. Sobre esses incidem interesses diversos. Por um lado, são fontes que revelam informações importantes sobre a memória (coletiva) da imigração para São Paulo ao passo que, por outro, expõem informações pessoais que podem ser consideradas de foro privado ou pertinentes a outro sentido da memória.

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Pós-graduação em Medicina Veterinária - FMVZ

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Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

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This paper proposes to investigate a specific fragment of the history of Japanese immigration to Brazil: labor relations during the period before the outcome of World War II. To this end, choosing oral history as a research method, and assumptions of historical materialism as a theoretical framework, we sought to examine the accounts of experiences remembered by a group of elderly women in this community of immigrant settlers. Theys participated both in the São Paulo coffee work in the first decades of the twentieth century, as the planting of cotton, in the 1930s.

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Injustice and power according to Noam Chomsky. In the beginning of the Politics, Aristotle establishes the two lesser forms of sociability: the relationships between man and woman and between master and the slave. In this context, he observes that “Hellenes are natural masters of barbarians” and the reason is that Greeks know philosophy and barbarians still resort to violence (ARISTOTLE, Politics, 1252a.). Shortly after defines “just war” as a war that has a fair cause, that is, which is well justified by philosophy or a fair speech (ARISTOTLE, Politics, 1255a.). This scene briefly expresses the manner in which the USA understands their role in the contemporary world. Chomsky points out the political use of massive military force of his country and denounces how it articulates internally and externally. He affirms that politics is excessively submitted to “ideology”, to doxa, as opposed to natural sciences. His militancy, thus, only advocates freedom and unrestricted right to information. In Camelot, the Kennedy years (1993), for example, the MIT’s professor collects information from congressmen’s speeches and government officials and from secret documents made public and he explicits the methods and actions of the US government. Thereby he can conclude that the US has, for historical reasons, an internal posture that is advocate or contrary to what they imposes to other countries. Power and justice on the one hand, force and injustice on the other –according to their own political discourse.

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This work aims to evaluate the different trajectories in terms of production structure, technological capabilities and performance in international trade of pharmaceutical industries in Brazil and India. For this, we build international trade indicators, based on data provided by the COMTRADE, the UN database for trade. Through the indicators, it is observed that the countries have different results in the catch-up process of the pharmaceutical industry. India has built a productive structure strongly based on generic drugs, with which it is able to greatly meet domestic demand and export to many countries worldwide. Brazil remains in a position of dependence of foreign production, with a high level of imports and exports to the region of Latin America

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Participatory Budgeting (PB) is an innovative methodology of public budget management. It includes the common citizen in decision-making process, which does not happen in traditional budget processes. PB emerged in Brazil in the last two decades of the last century (Porto Alegre’s experience is the best known model) and spread to several countries since then. The spread of the practice has produced significant changes in relation to the original proposals, requiring the efforts of analysts to identify them in different situations, carried out by different political actors, with different objectives. Pires and Pineda (2008a) proposed a typology of PB sought to contemplate the experiences from the simplest to the most daring and less sophisticated to the pretentious, so as to allow assessment of the maximum number of cases. In this article the Spanish experiences of PB are characterized from this typology, highlighting its most relevant aspects. It is a useful study to understand the evolution of PB in Spain, but also to continue the effort to better define what is and can become the participatory budget as a possible tool for improving the management of local public finance and democracy

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The paper approaches the U.S. perceptions about the sources of insecurity from Latin America, considered a low risk area and priority of its foreign policy. El análisis se concentra en la evaluación de las amenazas y desafíos a sus intereses estratégicos y las modalidades de actuación privilegiadas en la esfera regional, en que se verifican coincidencias entre las administraciones Demócratas y Republicanas en la adopción de un liderazgo con prerrogativas clasificatorias sobre los tipos de régimen político, con una agenda concebida como promoción de la convergencia hemisférica de democracias y economías liberales. The analysis focuses on assessing the threats and challenges to its strategic interests and privileged modes of action at the regional level, which verifies similarities between Republican and Democratic administrations in taking a leadership prerogatives qualifiers on the types political regime, with an agenda designed as promoting hemispheric convergence of liberal democracies and economies. En ese contexto, cabe destacar la prioridad atribuida a los países de la Alternativa Bolivariana para las Américas (ALBA) como eje opositor de sus políticas. In this context, include the priority given to the countries of the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas (ALBA) as the linchpin of his political opponent.

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In the last two decades, the United States have substantially increased their presence in Central Asia. Therefore their presence left China in an uncomfortable position, as China seeks to build a stable and peaceful environment in its near abroad, having under its influence all the countries of Central Asia. One of the ways used by the Chinese government to get closer to the countries of this region is through the oil. Being so, the Chinese oil companies buy rights of exploitation of oil and gas reserves in Central Asia and through this establishes and deepens friendly ties with these countries. This practice became known as oil diplomacy. This new tool of the Chinese government has a double effect: it increases the projection of the Chinese power and dilutes the American influence in the region. In other words, it displeases the United States, and in turn tries to be even more present in Central Asia. The main goal to be worked in this study is how the oil diplomacy increases Chinese influence in Central Asia and dilutes American power in the region. It also aims to explain how the United States uses its presence in Central Asia and on sea lines of communication used to transport oil to contain the Chinese expansion