43 resultados para Uriburu-Elections


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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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After a long period of military dictatorship, the Brazilian people, following the redemocratization in the late 1980s, experimented the possibility of electing their political representatives. This experience of democracy and citizenship included in the electoral process, now, appear as one of the main challenges to make the Brazilian public schools more democratic and participative, through the election of school managers. The purpose of this paper is to discuss the historical aspects of the process of electing representatives in Brazil and the possibilities of direct elections for school managers. At first recovering the struggle of the Brazilian society in search of an effective political participation and, subsequently, pointing out the limits and possibilities of the introduction of direct elections for school managers as a mechanism to consolidate a more democratic school.

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Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS

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The process of institutionalization of MERCOSUR in recent years has increased the weight of regional integration in the internal policies of the Member States. In the Brazilian case, the bill that regulates direct elections for the MERCOSUR Parliament (Parlasul) in 2014 is an example of this influence, because it includes aspects that are related to discussions on the reform of the Brazilian political system, generating intense debate and controversy within the Congress. This article discusses the possible impacts that its adoption will have on the conduct of political reform in Brazil, on the assumption that this project represents a spillover of political reform for Brazilian regional plan. We assume that its approval can become a test of political reform planned to perform at the regional changes still under discussion in the brazilian legislature. We remind that the decision and approval of the criteria for the Parlasul direct elections is a competence of each Member-State.

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The article aims to recover the manifestations process of June 2013, in an attempt to understand the elements, which characterized it. It is intended to indicate how and why the main political consequences generated by the manifestations became its own possibility of a rematch in June 2014, during the hosting of the World Cup, organized by FIFA and the Brazilian government. It is suggested which may be the nature and extent of its impacts over the general election in this year. It is argued that the key issue is the ability of the State, the governments and their police in dealing with manifestations that have, relatively, new, persuasive, and violent ideas.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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The Folha Universal, newspaper produced by the Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus (Iurd, abbreviation in Portuguese for Universal Church of the Kingdom of God), reaches an average weekly circulation from 2.5 to 3.5 million copies. Studies indicate that the Folha Universal is not merely an institutional newspaper. It is systematically dedicated to be a source of political information to their readers, in order to publicize candidates and politicians who defend the Iurd’s proposals for the Brazilian public life. This paper describes results of an empirical study on the frames built by the Folha Universal about the social demands, economic and political governance considered as priorities to the public management by the Iurd around five themes of analysis: public safety; children and adolescents care; public health; environment; politics and economy. The results indicate that, as characteristics of the Folha Universal in the four months prior to the 2010 Brazilian elections, aspects that differ from those indicated by previous studies on the newspaper. Previously detected in the pages of Folha Universal as a mean for finding solutions to social problems, the theology of prosperity was in our sample replaced by the formulation of public policies.

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The incipient but quickly expansion action on the Information and Communications Technologies (ICT) in Africa it is now just having different impact on these societies. One of these relates bear on how users are identified with these tools. Just like that we find individuals identify as bloggers, twitter followers or cyber activist. This contribution analyzes the Senegal’s fact where a successful use of social nets and web 2.0 tools experience (at least in repercussion) as social and political involvement while presidential elections in 2012 is tied to come back an identity: Cyber activist. Senegalese circumstance shows us how this identity has a personal and assertiveness dimension as well collective aspects of belonging to a community. One as much as the other, show us personal traits in contrast to previous beliefs, basically because it fuse and confuse virtual and reality. Due to dynamics from expanding technology, this identity is youthful and urban, but not only. This situation creates new dynamics at least in this affected group. For this reason, besides knowing emergence and evolution of this fact, it raises some of the involvement in social and political involvement from groups traditionally “invisible”. Beyond the new social behavior there are new changes in the rules of the game in order to start new social revolution.

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This work is a study which deals with political, electoral and party features from the Republic of Malta. An interest that motivated the study is to understand how works the consolidated two-party system in the country, the cleavages which foster that features and the Maltese media groups alignment process to those prevailing political parties. Our goal is to identify the main factors which creates and maintain those features of a two-party model in Malta, and how much it overlaps the political and electoral models applied in the country. The analysis is mostly literature, also backing up data about the nation, on elections and political parties which allow enough stability for analysis and enables us an approach about the actual facts. The survey data and literature available is mainly in English, by the lack of academic papers on Malta in Brazilian Portuguese. Therefore, this work contributes as a small panorama of the Maltese political reality, which can serve as a point of comparison and reflection on other countries' realities, with a sharp bipolar political trend, strong social entrenchment of political parties, and media groups aligned to those

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)