9 resultados para representação política
em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)
Resumo:
This study reflects on the conflicts that exist between the different forms of participation and the political representation manifested by community organizations and social movements in the city of Natal/RN. The objective is to better understand the process of political participation of the popular classes and how the different actors have represented collective demands in the struggle for rights. To this end, we mapped the organizations, social movements and participation spaces, through a type of participant research, in which we had the opportunity to experience and study different forms of collective action and events instigated by the community organizations and the Movement for the Struggle in the Neighborhoods, Villages and Slums (Movimento de Luta nos Bairros, Vilas e Favelas) MLB. From the theoretical contributions of authors such as Maria da Glória Gohn, Marco Aurélio Nogueira, Virginia Fontes, Vera da Silva Telles, Roberto Da Matta and Carlos Montaño, as well as the empirical data collected, the study revealed that on representing their segments and occupying different spaces of participation, some actors have formed partnerships with the State, putting collective demands on a second plane. Contrarily, other actors have articulated their struggle around collective demands and manifested through direct action, mobilizing and asserting themselves in defense of a project for society
Resumo:
La présente étude sur la modernisation économique qui s est opérée dans le Rio Grande do Norte, constitue un débat concernant les tentatives de faire aboutir un projet de développement industriel fondé sur l exploitation des matières premières locales telles que le sel, le calcaire, les eaux mères et le pétrole, entre les années 70 et 90 du XXe siècle. Elle cherche à montrer, à partir de l observation de l action planifiée de l État national et régional, soutenu par le capital international et par les groupes économiques et politiques locaux, comment on a tenté d implanter, dans des conjonctures économiques distinctes, une industrie d intrants de base moyennant la création de deux pôles de développement : le Pólo Químico Industrial (1974) et le Pólo Gás Sal (1996). Elle est centrée sur l analyse des actions orientées vers la concrétisation de ces pôles, et prendra pour objet les politiques de développement émanant de l État national, en particulier celles qui relevaient du II PND et qui visaient, au cours des années 70, à l implantation d une industrie décentralisée dans la région Nordeste ; les règles fixées par le Plano Nacional de Desestatizações, destinées à promouvoir les privatisations des entreprises publiques brésiliennes, lesquelles ont rendu possible la vente d Alcanorte au groupe industriel commandé par Fragoso Pires, et les politiques définies par l État national et régional, rassemblées sous le titre de « guerre fiscale » afin d attirer des capitaux internationaux susceptibles de rendre viable le Pólo Gás Sal. Il y est démontré que l État a coordonné un ensemble d actions dans les domaines de l infrastructure et des exonérations fiscales et financières, dans le but d accélérer la transition d une économie primaire et exportatrice vers une économie moderne, industrialisée. Et que le concours simultané de forces économiques et sociales particulièrement expressives le capital national et international, les élites locales n a pas suffi pour promouvoir la modernisation industrielle escomptée des secteurs chimique et pétrochimique. Parmi les différentes raisons qui ont contribué à un tel échec, on peut mentionner : l absence d une accumulation interne préalable de capital ; la dépendance de l économie locale par rapport à la technologie et au capital des groupes économiques internationaux ; l inconsistance des stratégies de développement relevant de la politique qui caractérisait la « guerre fiscale », et la fragilité de la représentation politique locale
Resumo:
This is an ethnographic and comparative study of the Maracatus Solar (2006) and Reis de Paus (1960), whose aim was to verify what is ancient and traditional in the new maracatu practiced by the guild Solar and conversely, what is new or modern in the old maracatu ritualized by guild Reis de Paus. It is worth noting that through this case study it is also intended to ethnographically observe and better understand the processes of ruptures and continuities between modernization and tradition, and the relationship between the global and the local. The communication system, the dancing, the music, the costumes and the loas (letters) were analyzed using the technique of participant observation as well as secondary materials such as newspapers, blogs and magazines. The interviews were open, non-directive, but recorded to facilitate understanding the speech of revelers. The research has shown that all the symbolic elements of aesthetic expression of the maracatu are permeated by clashes of historical contexts and of political representation, which, in another instance, also enunciates a fight of micro-community resistance regarding the renewal process and the social development that plague modern megalopolis. It is In this interim, between modernity and tradition that today it can be spoken about the existence of hybrid identity in the maracatu regarding a context mediated by the overall above mentioned values and customs specific of the new generations. However, one can not deny that the forms of negotiations with modernity also require the establishment of a link with the specific singularity of a popular culture that is not excluded, but also should not get invaded by the idea of authenticity. Therefore, performing this study was above all an opportunity to understand also the community life in the city outskirts, understanding society, culture and everyday social relations maintained between humans that produce and make it all happen. The Solar and Reis de Paus do not join in opposition between themselves nor by their similarity. What is most striking among them is the renewal of a tradition that reinvents itself in the form of popular representation across the street parade
Resumo:
This research aims to provide a reflection on the preservation practices of Brasilia as Cultural Heritage in four analytical/political dimensions: conceptual, urban, political-institutional and legal. In order to do that, the preparation process for the Plan for the Preservation of Brasilia Urban Set (PPCUB) was taken as research object. This preservation plan is representative of the context which determines the relation between goals and preservation practices in the social production process of urban space. Designed by Lucio Costa in 1957, Brasilia received the Cultural Heritage title 27 years later, in 1987. It was recognized a World Heritage Site by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural (UNESCO) in the same year as it "represents a unique artistic piece of work, a masterpiece of creative genius"; and "an outstanding example of a type of construction or architectural compound that illustrates a significant stage in history" (SILVA, 2003). Brasilia’s urban conception, also recognised in the district and federal levels, gives prominence to the 'urban scales' – monumental, residential, gregarious and bucolic – as the main aspects to be preserved. Despite being an undoubted representative, Brasilia seemingly displays a contradiction. On the one hand, the essential value of the city’s urban design is acknowledged as cultural heritage at international, national and district levels. On the other hand, numerous ways of urban interventions disregard the principles of that conception. In 2012, the international Monitoring Report raised some issues which highlight the following main needs: primary need for clear definition of the urban scales’ characteristics and boundaries; definition of a legal framework that conciliates national and district laws of occupation and use of land; creation of inter-sectors executive authority with both decision-making and financial autonomy; and promotion of heritage educational programs. This report also proposes "to cancel the current process of approval conducted by PPCUB and establish a formal consultation process through a committee made up by GDF and IPHAN, which will enable the active participation of University of Brasilia, the Architects Association, ICOMOS and local organizations" (SEDHAB, 2010). Already in its drafting process, the international recommendations evidence that preserving Brasilia’s urban design conception is not among the goals to be achieved. Thus, this research highlights that the intentional nature of PPCUB’s plans does little towards realizing the current proposals.
Resumo:
This paper examines two aspects. First, the symbolic dimension of politics and some of the elements that make up this universe, as the scenario, the representation, the myth, the spectacle, the media and the political and electoral marketing. We assume that the policy brings together a set of traits related to both reason and the human subjectivity, and can not be summed up in just a few calculations based on rationality. In the case of elections, in a process (ritual, according Irlys Barrier) of choice, there is a meeting of two systems of representations: to that transmitted by a political actor, in a scene from a particular context, based on a life trajectory unique, and the other from the public, crossed by social relations, situations own wishes, desires, expectations and unique perspectives. Between them there are the means of mass media (especially television), and with them the advent of language media and advertising applied to politics, changing the layout of public visibility and inaugurating what Rejane Accioly Carvalho will call the "aesthetics of mostrabilidade". This does not necessarily mean a preponderance of media on politics as a whole but only its adaptation to that with regard to contact with the public, the ad extra portion of the policy, according to Wilson Gomes. In a second aspect, try to apply these elements to a specific study to verify them in building an effective public image, in this case, the current governor of Rio Grande do Norte, Wilma de Faria. The concept of public image is from the book of Wilson Gomes The transformation was visible in the mass media, and relates to a conceptual image to fix "personality traits" through political history, personal conduct, action of image makers and the public reception. For this we will review some videos aired on Free Time for political propaganda in the years 2002 and 2006.
Resumo:
Quand on se plonge sur l‟oeuvre de Caio Fernando Abreu, on est forcement mené à faire une profonde analyse social qui résulte dans une grande bataille entre l‟amour, la société et la politique. Cette Memoire de Master, Politique, chanson et théâtre : Le conte « Ces deux-là » de Caio Fernando Abreu répercute au quotidien brésilien, montre que la plongé faite ici cherche à analyser, à partir d‟une perspective comparative, les angles observés par l‟auteur dans son oeuvre écrite pendant les années de la Dictature Militaire brésilienne, l‟influence des Beatles et du musicien/poète Caetano Veloso avec le mouvement du Tropicalismo. Dans ce travail, on observe le rôle du narrateur au sein du développement du conte comme représentation de la société irrémédiable et comme cette narrative s‟ajuste en mode théâtral. La lecture de cette memoire est basée sur l‟analyse du conte « Ces deux-là », du livre Fraises Moisies, et l‟influence de la musique Strawberry Fields Forever, des Beatles chez l‟écriture de l‟auteur, ainsi que les discussions sur les images présentent dans la narrative comme la structure essentielle pour le processus du montage du spectacle homonyme par la Cia. Luna Lunera, Minas Gerais, à partir du mécanisme de la traduction, du littéraire au scénique, appuyée sur les idées de Patrice Pavis
Resumo:
This text aims to study the literary representation of homoaffectivity in short stories of Caio Fernando Abreu in the context of brazilian redemocratization, specifically in the narratives published between 1982 and 1988. To understand the relation between literature and historical context in the tales, we betake, principally, to a notion of Literature and Society, as proposed for Antonio Candido. Relating the narratives of Caio Fernando Abreu with the military dictatorship and the redemocratization processes, as well as a generational project named contraculture, we aim to verify as the search for affection for men that desire others men may be conditioned for specific socio-hystorical conditions, understanding the literary work as a privileged field of representation and comprehension of reality
Resumo:
We intend to analyze how, through your own views and social practices, Xenophon composed the image of Spartans and their poliad regime during the period following the end of the 5th century to the early 4th century before BCE a time of great political turbulence in the Hellenic Poleis. In order to do so, we will use the writings in The Constitution of the Lacedaemonians, to point three elements that we believe are essential understanding of the Xenophon´s narrative: who was Xenophon and in which ways his life experiences influenced his narrative style; the idea of City, i.e., Xenophon´s idea of the Polis and how he defined it as a community of Citizens; and finally, to establish through which tools Xenophon build an image of Sparta and Spartans by way of their representations in his writings
Resumo:
The objective of this dissertation is to investigate the propagation of an anticommunism movement in Rio Grande do Norte Estate, Brazil, in a process that started on the first decades of the twentieth century and shows reflections until today. Firstly, we introduce the operation promoted by the catholic oriented newspaper A Ordem. Through the analysis of publications from 1935 to 1945, we observe its role in an image campaign of the “Communist Conspiracy” event, in an attempt to legitimate the power of Right wing groups, specially the Catholic Church and the Military Police. The newspapers discourse is analyzed in serial, quantitative and qualitative perspectives. Secondly, we search to understand the space dynamic of the anticommunism discourse thought the creation of evocation and representation spaces that ended up becoming memory places. Our considerations are based on the concept of representation by Roger Chartier, observing the way communism is represented by A Ordem, as well as the spatial category used to reactivate the anticommunist memory and represent it. We analyze the interests that are served by the construction of the monuments, the Oral History, as well as the relation between the local communities with them. Thirdly, we establish a parallel with many authors, in an approach that gathers Cultural and Social elements and Political History, in order to find explanations for the articulation of these discourses.