37 resultados para hegemonia

em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)


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At a time of changes on the territory during the 19th century, the political and socioeconomic elites of the province and later State of Rio Grande do Norte evolved a discourse in order to justify the permanence of Natal as a city holding a status of capital. In this work we analyze the means employed by the ruling classes to impose their wish to raise Natal to an outstanding position among the existing cities by intervening on the territory during a period of one hundred years (1820-1920). During that time, which was characterized by changing commercial flows and technological development, the elites interventions were essentially directed to the implementation of modes of transportation, especially the railway. We try to understand the reinforcement of Natal as a capital city not only in political and administrative terms, but mainly in a commercial and symbolic manner, through the discourse and interventions undertaken by the local administrative elites, who stimulated the creation of a set of relations on the territory that also imprinted visible marks in the capital s urban fabric. These interventions were based upon the establishment of an infrastructure for exporting the State s production, firstly through and despite the Potengi River, and later on by the construction of railways. Although the project of Natal s hegemony had been outlined before the establishment of the railway network, in both cases the ultimate objective was to reinforce and develop the capital city as a commercial urban center to the detriment of other cities

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The reality experienced by many families and individuals who seek and require the services of the Unified Health System - SUS, the relationships between users, health professionals, and political representatives, establishes the core of the issue that guides the choice and interest of this study concerning the prominence of clientelist practices and gifts that permeate the health field. The research is based on the analysis and reflection of the intrinsic relationship between the health and political fields. It analyses the health field and its relationship with the dynamics and developments of the local political scenario relating it to the implementation of the Family Health Program and Community Health Agents Program (PACS/PSF health programs) in the city of Mossoró, State of Rio Grande do Norte which refers to the period 1991-2010; and falls into a methodological perspective of qualitative approach. The methodological tools and techniques used were based on semi-structured interviews, direct observation of the field, journalistic texts and documentary sources. The construction and questioning of the object of the research were based on theoretical contributions from authors discussing the social field and symbolic power: Bourdieu (2005); clientelist relationships and gifts from asymmetric exchanges: Rouland (1997), Lanna (1995), Martins (1999), Carvalho (1999), Diniz (1982); exercise of hegemony and political strategy from authors who analyse this subject: Gramsci (1995), Coutinho (1981), and Gruppi (1978). Furthermore, the research has established dialogues with authors who address the dynamics of Brazilian politics such as Baquero (2001) and Weffort (1993). The collected data were subjected to qualitative content analysis. The results showed that with the implementation of the PACS/PSF programs in the aforementioned city, the health field has established itself as a key scenario for the exercise of political hegemony of the factions that dominate this socio-political context, resizing clientelist practices, however, without modifying the power structures within this social scenario

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The proposal of the Unified Health System Policy (SUS) has been considered one of the most democratic public policies in Brazil. In spite of this, its implementation in a context of social inequalities has demanded significant efforts. From a socio-constructionist perspective on social psychology, the study focused on the National Policy for Permanent Education in Health for the Unified Health System (SUS), launched by the Brazilian government in 2004, as an additional effort to improve practices and accomplish the effective implementation of the principles and guidelines of the Policy. Considering the process of permanent interdependencies between these propositions and the socio-political and cultural context, the study aimed to identify the discursive constructions articulated in the National Policy for Permanent Education in Health for the Unified Health System (SUS) and how they fit into the existing power relations of ongoing Brazilian socio-political context. Subject positionings and action orientation offered to different social actors by these discursive constructions and the kind of practices allowed were also explored, as well as the implementation of the proposal in Rio Grande do Norte state and how this process was perceived by the people involved. The information produced by documental analyses, participant observation and interviews was analyzed as proposed by Institutional Ethnography. It evidenced the inter-relations between the practices of different social actors, the conditions available for those practices and the interests and power relations involved. Discontinuities on public policies in Brazil and the tendency to prioritize institutional and personal interests, in detriment of collective processes of social transformation, were some of obstacles highlighted by participants. The hegemony of the medical model and the individualistic and curative intervention practices that the model elicits were also emphasized as one of the drawbacks of the ongoing system. Facing these challenges, reflexivity and dialogism appear as strategies for a transformative action, making possible the denaturalization of ongoing practices, as well as the values and tenets supporting them

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Since long ago that the religious manifestations are considered important items in various social media. In this sense, we are interested in understanding the strong denominational plurality, and the emergence of new movements / events and forms of Christianity in Brazil, which therefore is a reflection of what happens in the rest of the globalized world. Such interest is covered by the assumption that religiosity and social media are built on mutual and interconnected way, which allows us to understand that social cosmology presents itself as a fertile space privileged and to verify the interactions pertaining to the binomial: religion and society. The Protestantism is divided into three main streams: Historical, Pentecostal and Neo-Pentecostal. Each current of Protestantism emerged to adapt to social cosmology of historical ages, from the Reformation to the present day, forming institutions with certain ethical and moral stances. In this sense, it is necessary to research and understand how the historical Protestant, Pentecostal and neo-Pentecostal were implanted in Brazil. From this we believe to be interesting problematize accurately the following: How have the processes of formation of strands / evangelical movements in Brazil? These movements are still holding their "classic robes" or hybreeding their borders? What are the modulations in the religious transit demonstrate that this probable hybridization? If there is, indeed, a hybridization between the Evangelical means, we can put it is provoked only by a logic of "market of symbolic goods of religion" in the world today? Nowadays, we are experiencing a period of change cosmological, from Modern to Postmodern (caosmológic). This last is therefore characterized by secularization, the fracture, the mutilation, the diversity of subjectivities. And thinking about is this "spirit of the times" we take as the main its theoretical references of this study, the Italian philosopher and thinker of postmodernity Gianni Vattimo featuring postmodernity with the cosmology of fragile / pensiero debole Thought and post-metaphysical, that is which enhances the appearance of more plural institutions and non-absolute. To do so, he makes use of the philosophies of German, Nietzsche and Heidegger. Finally, it must be said that this grounded theoretical framework, raise the hypothesis that the Protestantism tends to "injure anymore" by the influence of postmodern social episteme, providing thereby the emergence of a new hybrid framework has not yet nominated and can move between the three major currents of world Protestantism, with features in converged aspects of the same.

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Since long ago that the religious manifestations are considered important items in various social media. In this sense, we are interested in understanding the strong denominational plurality, and the emergence of new movements / events and forms of Christianity in Brazil, which therefore is a reflection of what happens in the rest of the globalized world. Such interest is covered by the assumption that religiosity and social media are built on mutual and interconnected way, which allows us to understand that social cosmology presents itself as a fertile space privileged and to verify the interactions pertaining to the binomial: religion and society. The Protestantism is divided into three main streams: Historical, Pentecostal and Neo-Pentecostal. Each current of Protestantism emerged to adapt to social cosmology of historical ages, from the Reformation to the present day, forming institutions with certain ethical and moral stances. In this sense, it is necessary to research and understand how the historical Protestant, Pentecostal and neo-Pentecostal were implanted in Brazil. From this we believe to be interesting problematize accurately the following: How have the processes of formation of strands / evangelical movements in Brazil? These movements are still holding their "classic robes" or hybreeding their borders? What are the modulations in the religious transit demonstrate that this probable hybridization? If there is, indeed, a hybridization between the Evangelical means, we can put it is provoked only by a logic of "market of symbolic goods of religion" in the world today? Nowadays, we are experiencing a period of change cosmological, from Modern to Postmodern (caosmológic). This last is therefore characterized by secularization, the fracture, the mutilation, the diversity of subjectivities. And thinking about is this "spirit of the times" we take as the main its theoretical references of this study, the Italian philosopher and thinker of postmodernity Gianni Vattimo featuring postmodernity with the cosmology of fragile / pensiero debole Thought and post-metaphysical, that is which enhances the appearance of more plural institutions and non-absolute. To do so, he makes use of the philosophies of German, Nietzsche and Heidegger. Finally, it must be said that this grounded theoretical framework, raise the hypothesis that the Protestantism tends to "injure anymore" by the influence of postmodern social episteme, providing thereby the emergence of a new hybrid framework has not yet nominated and can move between the three major currents of world Protestantism, with features in converged aspects of the same.

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At a time of changes on the territory during the 19th century, the political and socioeconomic elites of the province and later State of Rio Grande do Norte evolved a discourse in order to justify the permanence of Natal as a city holding a status of capital. In this work we analyze the means employed by the ruling classes to impose their wish to raise Natal to an outstanding position among the existing cities by intervening on the territory during a period of one hundred years (1820-1920). During that time, which was characterized by changing commercial flows and technological development, the elites interventions were essentially directed to the implementation of modes of transportation, especially the railway. We try to understand the reinforcement of Natal as a capital city not only in political and administrative terms, but mainly in a commercial and symbolic manner, through the discourse and interventions undertaken by the local administrative elites, who stimulated the creation of a set of relations on the territory that also imprinted visible marks in the capital s urban fabric. These interventions were based upon the establishment of an infrastructure for exporting the State s production, firstly through and despite the Potengi River, and later on by the construction of railways. Although the project of Natal s hegemony had been outlined before the establishment of the railway network, in both cases the ultimate objective was to reinforce and develop the capital city as a commercial urban center to the detriment of other cities

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The central interest of this thesis is to comprehend how the public action impels the formation and transformation of the tourist destinies. The research was based on the premise that the public actions are the result of the mediation process of state and non-state actors considered important in a section, which interact aiming for prevailing their interests and world visions above the others. The case of Porto de Galinhas beach, in Pernambuco, locus of the investigation of this thesis, allowed the analysis of a multiplicity of actors on the formation and implementation of local actions toward the development of the tourism between the years 1970 and 2010, as well as permitted the comprehension of the construction of the referential on the interventions made. This thesis, of a qualitative nature, has as theoretical support the cognitive approach of analysis of the public policies developed in France, and it has as main exponents the authors Bruno Jobert and Pierre Muller. This choice was made by the emphasis on the cognitive and normative factors of the politics, which aspects are not very explored in the studies of public policies in Brazil. As the source of the data collection, documental, bibliographic and field researches were utilized to the (re)constitution of the formation and transformation in the site concerned. The analysis techniques applied were the content and the documental analysis. To trace the public action referential, it started by the characterization of the touristic section frontiers and the creation of images by the main international body: the World Tourism Organization, of which analysis of the minutes of the meetings underscored guidelines to the member countries, including Brazil, which compounds the global-sectorial reference of the section. As from the analysis of the evolution of the tourism in the country, was identified that public policies in Brazil passed by transformations in their organization over the years, indicating changes in the referential that guided the interventions. These guidelines and transformations were identified in the construction of the tourist destination of Porto de Galinhas, of which data was systematized and presented in four historical periods, in which were discussed the values, the standard, the algorithms, the images and the important mediators. It has been revealed that the State worked in different roles in the decades analyzed in local tourism. From the 1990s, however, new actors were inserted in the formulation and implementation of policies developed, especially for local hotelkeepers. These, through their association, establishes a leadership relation in the local touristic section, thereby, they could set their hegemony and spread their own interest. The leadership acquired by a group of actors, in the case of Porto de Galinhas, does not mean that trade within the industry were neutralized, but that there is a cognitive framework that confronts the actors involved. In spite of the advances achieved by the work of the mediators in the last decades, that resulted in an amplification and diversification of the activity in the area, as well as the consolidation at the beach, as a tourist destiny of national standout, the position of the place is instable, concerned to the competitiveness, once that there is an situation of social and environmental unsustainability

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This study approaches bureaucratic organizational structures with the aim to understand the adherence procedure to virtual technologies in the stricto sensu educational administrative process. Thus, the author navigates through the formation of these organizations in Brazil with the intent to demonstrate the bureaucratic organizational culture and the consequent form of domination of those who detain power. In this epistemological construction, the author explores the culture s bureaucratic environment and the organizational power. In the analyses, it was observed the technological phenomenon in the ODL s administrative environment, which can explain the adherence procedure to structures and technological instruments for stricto sensu courses that, hypothetically, dilutes the traditional inherited organizational axiom. Therefore, it was utilized as object of study the Professional Master s degree in National Scale Public Administration PROFIAP, hence analyzing the documental content and the legislation related to institutionalization as well as the positioning of professors/coordinators and of the director of CAPES/MEC. Considering this axioms, it was concluded that the bureaucratic structures can admit ODL in the stricto sensu s environment. However, this can only be done as long as the adherence does not imply in a dilution of the traditional forms of power and institutional bureaucratic inherited dominance, as well as the alleged hegemony of the governmental structure in the educational administration adopted in person by the stricto sensu courses in Brazil

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The elections for governor in 2006 with its victory Marcelo Déda Workers Party (PT), were a landmark in the state of Sergipe, for the first time, called progressive fronts (an alliance of parties formed mostly by origin of the left) broke the hegemony of two political groups, Franco and the Alves, whose direction was in force for over 30 years. This study proceeds on the assumption that the print media has certain standards of conduct in covering the election period. Therefore, this study seeks to quantify, classify and compare data from three newspapers more representative of the State of Sergipe (Cinform, Cidade Journal and Correio de Sergipe) to analyze the behavior of these journals, such as private apparatus of hegemony in election coverage 2006. It also uses the concept of hegemony Gramsci and theories of journalism framing (Entman and Porto) and agenda setting (McCombs and Shaw) to identify these patterns

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This study discusses the use of communication strategies in the dispute for political hegemony in the contemporary society. In order to do so, one starts from the concept of politics in its broad sense, involving, besides parties and parliaments, the groups and organized social movements. The comprehension that the political activity, nowadays, involves the media, made part of this study be focused on the investigation of problems in this relationship. We analyzed, especially, the communication actions promoted by the Grupo Crítica Radical, in which participate, among others, Maria Luiza Fontenelle, former mayor of Fortaleza, and Rosa da Fonseca, former concillor. They left their old parties after a process of self-criticism concerning their incumbencies, partly influenced by the books of Robert Kurz about the collapse of capitalism . After this historical contextualization, one starts the analysis of the campaign Greve do Voto promoted by the Group during the municipal elections of 2004. The production of campaign material, the street drama, the small shows and the fact that the press covered the campaign are discussed starting from the theoretical formulations presented on this research, understanding, this way, the challenge of these groups to build an action against the hegemony allied to the universe of the mass media

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The issues surrounding the religious have been given greater importance in scientific discussions and the media. Discussions on religion and religiosity have become widespread as a means for construction of social representations, both as individual levels, in addition, in the collectivity. This work deals with the construction of the order of Jesus, missionaries and settlers of the projects that marked the presence of the Jesuit missionaries, from colonization to the religious restructuring imposed after the expulsion of the Jesuit Order in Sergipe. Expulsion is what happened in the midst of political and administrative changes made by the Portuguese government in the mid-eighteenth century, which had representation at the Marquis of Pombal its creator. Understanding the religious and social restructuring, designed here in the practices and representations of popular and official. This restructuring has had on the religious brotherhoods, religious orders and other representations, an important symbolic presence in the spaces sociorreligiosos linked to Catholic practices in Sergipe. Representation such that officially came into the vicars pasted their legal representatives, in the maintenance of religious practices in the boroughs and cities Sergipe

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This research aims to investigate the effectiveness of the legal labor phenomenon in contemporary capitalism as rectifier element of the contradictions between capital and labor. From the analysis of legislative developments - state and business - and court decisions related to the category of freight transport is expected to determine the protectionist stiffness proclaimed by the institutional structure of labor in Brazil, considered by the hegemonic discourse as political-economic factor that prevents growth. It is intended to unravel the relationships between political and civil society, studying the internal contradictions and ideological influence among these spaces, with theoretical support in Marx and Gramsci. The function of this research is to test the premise that the protectionist discourse is a rational action of capitalism and the organic intellectuals of political society in order to achieve hegemony and hide the real contradictions between capital and labor, in addition to also assist in the discussion on deregulation and easing in Brazil. The analysis points to the confirmation of our premise, since the evolution of the legal phenomenon in the transport sector was charging toward the neoliberal project

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Se parte de la comprensión de Universidad como un campo científico que permite elecciones, conflictos y luchas internas y externas, en sus dimensiones históricas y temporales, proponiéndose comprenderla en su naturaleza institucional. Históricamente, la universidad viene respondiendo a demandas de la sociedad, configurándose en momentos de crisis de institucionalidad, de hegemonía y de legitimidad. Tales crisis profundizase en el contexto de la globalización hegemónica, pero, al lado de esta, emergen experiencias en el campo de la globalización alternativa. De ello adviene los siguientes desafíos: considerados en este trabajo como cuestiones a contestar: ¿cómo la Universidad pública brasileña podrá actuar en una perspectiva de formación ciudadana, interagiendo con la sociedad en la cual está inserida? ¿Cómo poderemos vislumbrar caminos alternativos para la universidad enfrentar desafíos y para conquistar a su legitimidad? Se discute la extensión universitaria como una de las alternativas para que tales universidades enfrenten sus crisis y desafíos, a la medida en que posibilita el diálogo con la sociedad en su entorno, promoviendo la formación ciudadana. Se tiene como objetivo comprender e interpretar la extensión universitaria en su práctica efectiva en las comunidades en las que las experiencias fueron desarrolladas, analizándose dos prácticas de extensión universitaria en la Universidad Federal del Rio Grande do Norte y en la Universidad Federal de Bahia, a través de la interpretación de la participación de profesores, alumnos y comunidad en dos programas: Saúde e Cidadania (SACI/UFRN), y Atividade Curricular em Comunidade (ACC/UFBA), en el período de 2001 a 2005. Se busca en el diálogo con los participantes envueltos, conocer las experiencias y como estas contribuyen para la compresión de universidad con sus funciones direccionadas para la formación ciudadana. Como procedimientos metodológicos, se hace un análisis de la documentación de las experiencias, complementadas por entrevistas sémi-estructuradas, envolviendo 51 sujetos en los dos programas, para aprehender a la historia y comprender la participación de los alumnos, profesores e integrantes de las comunidades, en Natal/RN y Salvador/BA. Para presentación de las voces de los participantes, se cría diálogos temáticos, mapeando expresiones que surgieron en el habla de los Pro- Rectores de Extensión y Pro-Rector de Graduación, alumnos, profesores y participantes de las comunidades envueltas, identificándolas en movimientos creativos y llenos de significados, entre ellas: vivencia y acción; interacción y diálogo; identidad y práctica solidaria; generosidad y responsabilidad; ciudadanía y condición humana; saber contextual y crítico. Estas prácticas y sentimientos traducen bien la participación de los sujetos envueltos, dialogando sobre la compresión de Universidad y extensión universitaria direccionada para la formación ciudadana. Se concluye que estas experiencias contribuyen para pensar una Universidad actuante, dialogando con los intereses de la comunidad, sin perder su autonomía, formando profesionales responsables, solidarios y ciudadanos, actuando en la construcción de un conocimiento que pueda contribuir en la superación de la crisis de legitimidad desarrollando experiencias inseridas en la globalización alternativa, contra-hegemónica, ya que contemplan acciones para la superación de las desigualdades sociales, en la lucha por la emancipación social de los sujetos participantes

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This project wants to analyze the newspaper like a collective organic intellectual thing, and its action like a conservator integral journalism, it makes it looks like a politics block. In this case, the newspaper inserts itself in a process to support the dominated fundamental class. In the same time, it searches to disqualify politically, using the news and the opinion, the sprouting of against-hegemony even untimely and distant in the historical time. Facing this proposal we take as study object the FOLHA DE S. PAULO, nowadays the most representative agency of the great conservative press. Our theoretical reference takes as base the Gramsci organic intellectual formularizations, hegemony, position´s war, integral journalism and private device of hegemony. We allow ourselves, in a subsidiary way to the Gramsci basement, using the novel 1984 written by George Orwell, as a method to explicit, in a comparative way, the manipulation of the reality by the newspaper in its activity of collective organic intellectual. The ideology is the heuristic connection point to make convergence between reality and fiction. For the intended evidences we develop analysis of the daily covering about two great accidents occurred in 2007: The landslide of part of the workmanships of the tunnel of the Companhia do Metropolitano de São Paulo-Metrô (line yellow 4). And the flying disaster involving the airbus of Transportes Aéreos Meridionais-TAM, flight 3054, also in that state. In the first accident we find endorsement of the newspaper to the São Paulo´s government, in the person of the politician actor José Serra (PSDB), representative of the conservative forces and responsible for the workmanships of the Subway, to who it tried to distance politically of the fact. In the second event, the opposition to the politician actor Luis Inácio Luis Lula da Silva and his politics block, the PT, as a possibility against-hegemonic contested, being the mentioned actor appointed as responsible for the occurrence. However, the newspaper says that it is independent and direct, and this direct action comes from the environment. In this environment, the diversity of conceptions of world would guide the publishing work, making the FOLHA DE S. PAULO to take it as a reference for the intended objective, hiding the politics block militancy

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The thought of Eloy de Souza is studied (1873-1959), that left a significant intellectual production in the journalistic, cultural and politicial scope on the Northeast and the dilemmas of the droughts. Through the method of content analysis, his journalistic and literary speech is investigated, looking at to understand the elaboration and/ or reiteration of categories, of representations and of values; it is verified how was conceived the constitution of the political thought and which is it´s principal slopes; the parliamentary speech, present in his interventions is analyzed in plenary session, participation in commissions and in his projects, particularly in the thematic area of the droughts. It is verified that his work is built in a political and ideological perspective inserting the bourgeoisie landowner's interests and Northeastern commercial and of it´s political strata, inside the historical block of agro-industry power that has as irradiation focus the area of the coffee represented politically by the oligarchies person from São Paulo and Minas Gerais. In that sense, two crucial categories emerge: the droughts and the country, as the Northeastern and Brazilian man's synthesis, with their resistance capacity and adaptation, and their creative effort in an adverse enviroment, that Eloy de Souza started to insert in his political speech. However, the vision that he passes of the "country suffer", expresses a certain idealization of a lifestyle that corresponds to a traditional dominance, that he want´s to be reproduced. Although it looked for the solution for the drought through the modernization of the economy by the adoption of advanced methods as the irrigation, his concern went back to the conservation of the economical and cultural political hegemony of that elite. Thus, his inquietude with the process of integration of the subordinate sections, justifies his consensual speech, harmonic as organic intellectual of the agrarian-commercial bourgeoisie of the Brazilian Northeast