12 resultados para Sociologia política

em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)


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The issue of public policy for the culture area has experienced a significant increase of interest of academic researchers. The research "Cultural Policy in infants: an evaluation of the home culture (2003/2010)" aimed to evaluate the effectiveness of cultural policy in Rio Grande do Norte in the period 2003/2010. When was the program created and deployed the houses of popular culture. Specifically, he sought: a) mapping the major elements of cultural policy in the RN during the chronological period mentioned b) hold up in more detail in the description of the implementation process of the houses of popular culture, c) investigate cultural actions implemented by the houses of popular culture and its effectiveness. The methodological process consisted of a review of the literature on culture, cultural policy, public policy and public policy evaluation for the construction of the theoretical-analytical, documentary research in public and private institutions related cultural production; interview with managers and cultural producers in visits field research conducted in seven major houses of popular culture, taken as a sample of the total d 29 outlets installed during the chronological period mentioned. The survey found that the program houses RN popular culture in general was effective in meeting its objectives, among which the decentralization of cultural inclusion in the artist market cultural production, the promotion of folk traditions in the region , respect and support for new artists, respect and support for popular memory

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior

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The aim of this paper is to analyze the street demonstrations occurred last June and July 2013, which appear as samples of the hegemonic fights in course in Brazil, during the so-called Big Wave of the social groups in conflict nowadays in the country. Among other questions, this study tries to explain how the varied stages of these fighting groups influenced their late ones. For that, it takes into consideration the bibliography available not only on these groups, but also on the social and political contemporary Brazil. That is why it evaluates political documents, as well as opinion pieces, news and others disseminated by the press or by political groups. Speeches made by political leaderships, as, for example, that one the President Dilma Roussef made on 21 July 2013, deserves close analysis. This also applies to contributions made by secondary data, poll institutions and IBGE’s socio-economic data. Categories and concepts of Antonio Gramsci’s political sociology are used here as theoretic bases. In fact, it favors the hypothesis that, during the dispute for the intellectual and moral command of demonstrations on July 2013, a certain middle-class conservative ideology emerged on scene. This group conquered the agreement of hegemonic mass media acting now as a political party, here designated as media party. These media resorted to platforms preexistent to the demonstration movements, especially their rejection to political organizations and programs in order to ascend as the demonstrations’ leaders along a certain period in which corruption appeared as the central theme of these efforts, while the government tried to get control of the situation. In view of the several forces and issues at stake, the present study contributes to the discussion about the current reality in Brazil and its perspectives, without losing sight of the centrality of the June Movements as political and ideological milestones

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We had as the problem of analysis in this research: what are the assumptions, principles and general content that based the Sistema Nacional de Avaliação da Educação Superior (SINAES). We started from the hypothesis that the general content of SINAES is essentially based on the assumptions and principles of a control/regulatory perspective of evaluation and a summative epistemology, objectivist and quantitativist, constituted by members who prioritize testing and classification of courses and institutions based on market values. The overall goal was to make a political evaluation of SINAES and the specific objectives were: a) apply the concepts of politics evaluation and meta-evaluation, b) identify the role of international organizations in education reform in the 1990s and its impact on superior education in Brazil c) redeem the concept of evaluation, especially in the field of studies in education; and d) investigate the evaluation policies of Brazilian superior education leading to SINAES. As for the technical procedures for collecting and analyzing data, the research was made with bibliography and documents, considering that it was developed by bibliographic sources and official publications. It was developed by crossing sources: texts or documents remitted to others; it was also concentrated: on the role of international organizations in educational and State reforms (in the 1990s); on the policies of evaluation of the Brazilian superior education (1980s and 1990s); on the proposal of the Comissão Especial de Avaliação (CEA); on the Law No. 10.861/2004; on the documents of CONAES; on the Decree No. 5.773/2006, and the MEC Regulatory Ordinances No. 4/2008 and No. 12/2008. It did not stop in the so called purely technical aspects, but in the ideological field itself. The research found that international organizations, notably the World Bank, played a political, intellectual and financial role determinant to the field of education, a fact that reflects in the legal framework. It was also found that the politics of evaluation of the superior education is historically marked by conflict, represented by two distinct perspectives of different natures and emphases. On one hand, the focus is on control / regulation, favoring efficiency, productivity and competitiveness benchmarking and prioritizing the punctual performance and measurement. On the other, it seeks to transform academic perspective in primarily formative / emancipatory, in order to support more institutional improvement. It was concluded that the CEA presented a conception evaluation predominantly formative and emancipatory, which emphasized the idea of system, centered around the institution and repudiated the rankings practices. In the post-formulation period, however, some of its principles were fragmenting and, gradually, the institution was giving way to the courses and the Exame Nacional de Desempenho de Estudantes (ENADE) grew in prominence. With the creation of the Conceito Preliminar de Cursos superiores (CPC) and of the Índice Geral de Cursos da Instituição de Educação Superior (IGC), it was redemeed the practice of evaluation as measurement and control, under the principles of efficiency and productivity. So, SINAES that seemed like a progressive evaluation method has assumed a setting that close resembles the Exame Nacional de Cursos (ENC-Provão). Nevertheless, the survival of institutional formative evaluation, in the superior education evaluation policies, still an issue in dispute

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This study approaches the topic of humanization in health that involves the set of policies implemented by the Ministry of Health in Brazil. Its aims are directed towards a reflection on the guiding theoretical and organizing axes of the National Humanization Policy (NHP) and their repercussions on municipal health policy of Natal, Brazil; an analysis of the results of the policy at the local level; knowledge of the views and experiences of the humanization agents in the daily work process and identification of the main challenges of the policy. The empirical field of investigation was the Family Health Strategy (FHS) of the city of Natal. The assumption of the study is that the FHS has produced local experiences with potentialities that must not be wasted, in which there are difficulties and discrepancies between the real and proposed model. The contradictions and challenges in the social and political context of Brazil in the early XXI century and their consequences in the field of health reflect anti-utilitarian aspects anchored strongly in the theoretical concepts of Boaventura de Sousa Santos about the sociology of privations and emergencies as well as of the work of translating. The predominantly qualitative approach collects some complementary quantitative data. The study procedures used were the following: bibliographic research; documental research; interviews; and direct observation. Interpretation of the information obtained was based on documental analysis and on the symbolic cartography of the social representations. Cartographic evidence suggests that practices still take place under dehumanizing conditions that compromise the quality of care given. However, there is a movement aimed at changing the work process that has been strengthening the link and widening the measures developed, incorporating new directions in diversity, integrality and solidarity. The map drawn shows a reality manifested by explicit intentions in a political agenda, by concrete solutions marked by an assortment of difficulties and expressed in the words of the agents and by latent clues identified in successful local experiences, posing many challenges for the consolidation of the proposed changes

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The present study aims at making a theoretically reflection about the reconstruction process of democracy that can be observed in the country since the opening political process, which took place with the Geisel´s government in 1974, passing through the first civil president, in 1985, the Constitution process, in 1986, and finally the Constitution promulgation in 1988. It interests to this study analyses the premise that the 1988 Constitution inaugurates the moment in which democracy starts to be reconstructed in the country, and that this reconstruction is made in such a brand new way, once it included the possibility of participation of the civil society in the deliberation of the public politics, what became possible with the creation of new spaces of a gestion shared by the three executive powers: federal; states; municipalities, and with the civil society, in the councils created in those spheres. In this way, this work wishes to focus the opening process to the civil society participation, wich became possible with the creation of the city councils of public politics. It´s about investigating the form in wich the relations set up in these hibrid spaces could be considered democratic, inclusive and promoters of effective participation, checking up tendencies, giving emphasis to regularities and some specifities encountered in the forms of participation, which have been observed in those councils. In order to comprehend the democratic process in construction in the country, the analysis of the relations established by the civil society and the local executive power in the obligatory municipal councils is taken as object of study, passing by the tensions wich evolves institutions and political practices, permeated by the local political culture. It starts from a briefly review of works already made on the subject

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It discusses the Health Care of the Elderly in the town of Mossoró, traversing the paths that discussed the history of health care, which has been altered by the new (con) formation and required adjustments of society which led the development and implementation of the National Health Care for the Elderly with the backdrop of the guiding principles of the Health System - SUS. The goals outlined were: To map the implementation of the policy of health care for the elderly in Mossoró considering whether this is based on the principles and guidelines of the NHS and National Health Policy of the Elderly; Check if health promotion is seen as a strategy that favors the elderly mossoroenses the possibility of healthy aging; identify the discourse of the elderly about the aging process and the strategies you use to take care of your needs. Applies as a methodological strategy BOAS, complemented by interviews with twenty (20) elderly residents of Mossoró with a view to understand the objective elements, and the political and subjective traits that express a regularity which marks the area of health care mossoroense elderly. The data were tabulated and the BOAS divided into nine sections for analysis. The speeches were transcribed seized and subjected to a thorough reading that allowed the visualization of issues that have been examined with theoretical and methodological support to the model proposed by Boaventura de Souza Santos (2006) designated this cosmopolitan reason being supported by three meta-sociological procedures, namely, the sociology of absences, the sociology of translation work and emergencies. It appears as a result the exclusion and discrimination of the elderly in different social settings, a condition that prevents them from being aware of their importance as citizens deserving of decent treatment and respect for the family, society and the government, when addressing health the elderly said the need to propose alternative models of care that has the paradigm of health promotion. We conclude that in these areas, meetings are held, to draw lines that were heterogeneous because they were built by the dissimilarities that engender incessantly and show that although we have advanced regarding the attention of the elderly in Mossoró there is still a long way to go in order to meet the needs revealed by the elderly. It is suggested that the practice of trial-creation-differentiation, while highlighting the historical and procedural dimension, deconstructions and negotiations with collective effects. A democratic paradigm and analytical creeps: the constitution are moments of Health Care for the Elderly shaping a new landscape in the town of Mossoró.

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As one of the most important cities in the state of Pernambuco, Petrolina is settled in the Pernabucanian backwoods, a place that still holds its own traditions and manners. Petrolina s economy is mainly based on primary activities. It s politics is run by Family groups which preserve themselves and remain in power, using the clientelism, which could be said as a give and get practice. That means that the suffrage is a currency to exchange benefits. The present study analyses facts occurred in the political history of the Coelho s Family, which still dominates the local Politics. They persist as heirs of the old system of Coronelism that is maintaining their power structuring a political machine, which is able to make them unbeatable for over fifty years. Despite of a family internal division, it benefits all of them, directly or indirectly. Based on empirical observation, we set a brief historical of the Coelho s family facts, in order to demonstrate the range of their power through the ancestry, which is to say we ve described the local political labyrinths. Our metodological choices were driven by the comprehensive sociology, through the Weberian ideal types, in order to find the answers for the historical, social and political conformation of the facts, in consonance with the reality. According to that, we ve studied the Coelho s political trajectory from 1968 to 2012, considering the election periods. Commonplace: where a new generation becomes active subjects on a new apprenticeship, moral and intellectual. After all, they are all family heirs

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It starts with the understanding that the relationship between society / nature is largely problematic in a context of socio-environmental crisis. In this context, we use the principle of hope to plan and work out new ways of understanding social reality, the relationship between science and alternative knowledge. The research is to investigate how the actors influence the social construction of urban environmental policy of the city of Mossoró / RN with reference to the processes of implementing the Master Plan and Agenda 21 of the municipality. The hypothesis of this research is that the Environmental Policy in Mossley has a normative character that is expressed primarily in the creation of an institutional political framework to manage environmental issues involving so incidental and or functional society participation mossoroense. Thus questioned who are the actors that build environmental policy Mossoró / RN. The specific objectives of this research are: Identify the environmental dimension of the Master Plan Agenda 21 articulated Mossoró / RN mapping information from the managers, engineers and members of the Municipal Environment and Municipal Council of Cities on the operation of urban environmental policy mossoroense and how it is performed by the Manager of Environmental Management in conjunction with the Department of Environment and Territorial Development (SEDETMA) and Executive Management of Urban Development. As a methodology, we used the method of the sociology of absences and emergencies in conjunction with the ecology of knowledge and productivity. It is a qualitative research and documentary, which was used as the Master Plan documents Mossoró / RN, minutes of meetings of boards and complementarity were carried out 12 semi-structured interviews with managers and directors of the Urban Environmental Policy of the Municipality of Mossoró / RN. They used also the social analytical or thematic maps for the translation of the dialogue among social partners, managers and directors who make the Environmental Policy Council. We conclude that these dialogues and experiences point to the construction of an environmental policy more participatory and effective, committed to individual and collective transformation of society mossoroense

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The dissertation assesses aspects of the management of IT in Education Program (ProInfo), in the municipality of Parnamirim-RN. Checks as their management functions, with the following objectives: a) Examine whether the objectives of the activities related to teachers' program are being implemented according to the official documents, b) examine if there is a monitoring program activities as the activities of teachers c) Identify whether teachers develop activities and environments using the technological resources of the internet. The research brings a central issue: How ProInfo is subsidizing the activities of the teachers involved in the program to achieve their goals effectively? As a central hypothesis of this work, to be a general north to the research, we have: the ProInfo establishes a fragile and discontinuous link between the management of the activities of teachers and the goals that he sets. The hypothesis was validated by the analysis of data from field research, when we encounter a series of limiting aspects of program effectiveness at the municipal level. This research was undertaken with managers of state and municipal schools and teachers, using a sample of four schools Parnamirim-RN, in order to include some aspects of program management at the municipal level and effectiveness goals proposed, focusing on teachers who participated in the training. The methodological process consisted of literature review, interviews and documentary analysis carried to the organs responsible for ProInfo statewide (UNDIME/RN ) and municipal level, next to the Municipal Education Parnamirim-RN. Based on data collected from empirical field research, it was found that the ProInfo lacks periodic reviews by the governing bodies of the program, about the actions developed through appropriate instruments, which enable a more realistic view of the results of the program ex post (during or after deployment)

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In this study, we present a political evaluation of how SENAC/RN perceives PRONATEC, emphasizing all ideological principles, aims and theories that this institution reproduces and reinforces while playing this professional qualification program. We intended to reveal ideological aspects that inspire SENAC’s perception of PRONATEC, pointing the actual interests hidden by those aspects. Our starting question is: What ideologies, objectives and theories that are explicitly or implicitly reinforced by Senac in implementing PRONATEC? In the research, we consider the hypothesis that transferring the responsibility about PRONATEC from public to private institutions is something that impoverishes the professional formation process, once the program ends up subordinated to private institution’s ideological, political and economic interests. The methodological approach chosen was the single case study. As data source, we used broad literature survey, official files of PRONATEC and SENAC, official information about the program and personal interviews. At the end of the research, we present elements that show some “flexibility” on PRONATEC due to SENAC’s interests, offering a superficial professional formation, commonly dissociated from a propaedeutic education, focusing on the need of adaptation e consensus of works around a society project. In this regard, despite PRONATEC is payed by public resources, it’s been used by SENAC as a fortifier of this institution on professional education market, in an hegemonic and neoliberal construction of a model of society.

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In this study, we present a political evaluation of how SENAC/RN perceives PRONATEC, emphasizing all ideological principles, aims and theories that this institution reproduces and reinforces while playing this professional qualification program. We intended to reveal ideological aspects that inspire SENAC’s perception of PRONATEC, pointing the actual interests hidden by those aspects. Our starting question is: What ideologies, objectives and theories that are explicitly or implicitly reinforced by Senac in implementing PRONATEC? In the research, we consider the hypothesis that transferring the responsibility about PRONATEC from public to private institutions is something that impoverishes the professional formation process, once the program ends up subordinated to private institution’s ideological, political and economic interests. The methodological approach chosen was the single case study. As data source, we used broad literature survey, official files of PRONATEC and SENAC, official information about the program and personal interviews. At the end of the research, we present elements that show some “flexibility” on PRONATEC due to SENAC’s interests, offering a superficial professional formation, commonly dissociated from a propaedeutic education, focusing on the need of adaptation e consensus of works around a society project. In this regard, despite PRONATEC is payed by public resources, it’s been used by SENAC as a fortifier of this institution on professional education market, in an hegemonic and neoliberal construction of a model of society.